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Morali se bomo navaditi, da v dvopolni Sloveniji vendarle obstaja nek PRAGMATIČNI SREDINSKI VOLIVEC. Ta je včeraj priskočil na pomoč standardnemu ex-LDS-volivcu iz javnega sektorja – in Cerar je premočno zmagal. Na naslednjih volitvah lahko ta volivec priskoči na pomoč komu na desni. Ta tip volivca ni nek tavajoči in nestabilni element, zgolj produkt medijske manipulacije, ampak je ena izmed legitimnih in spoštovanja vrednih političnih drž.

Odziv na “Slovenci niso razočarali” – Branko Cestnik, Časnik

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Še več: cela vrsta faktorjev priča o tem, da k Cerarju niso množično prehajali le tisti volivci SDS-a, ki so se stranki pridružili v zadnjih 10. letih, temveč tudi mnogi iz »starega trdega jedra«, torej Janševi podporniki iz let 2000 in 1996. Te izgube je, kot rečeno, SDS uspešno »nadoknadila« s širjenjem na desno in tako ostali pomladni stranki stisnila na rob, kjer le za silo preživita; hkrati pa zaradi kadrovske šibkosti, luknjičasti njune zemljepisne porazdelitve in pomanjkanja trdne medijske podpore nikakor ne zmoreta nagovoriti volivcev, ki jih SDS pušča vnemar.

Anatomija pomladnega poraza – Luka G. Lisjak, Časnik

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Tabela predvsem zelo jasno kaže, da so bile letošnje volitve – pa čeprav so se zgodile nekako po pomoti – res izjemne. Prvič se je zgodilo, da je politični novinec povsem pometel s staro politično elito. Če seveda odmislimo Demosovo zmago v povsem drugačnih zgodovinskih okoliščinah in drugačnem skupščinskem sistemu.

Stare strankarske elite vseh barv, vonjev in okusov – in ne le desnica – so torej resnični poraženec letošnjih volitev.

Ne sodi mačka po žaklju – Janez Šušteršič, Siol.net

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Slovenijo smo razlagali kot razdeljeno na dve pripovedi:

Leva pripoved: “Kar imamo zdaj, je demokracija. In ker to ni bistveno različno od prejšnjega režima, tudi prejšnji režim ni mogel biti posebej napačen.”

Desna pripoved: “Kar imamo zdaj, ni demokracija, ker to ni bistveno različno od prejšnjega režima, ki je bil evidentno napačen.”

Na volitvah smo dobili še tretjo: “Imamo, kar imamo. O podrobnostih se prepirajte brez mene.”

Volivci tretje so na volitvah premočno zmagali.

Zmaga in poraz 2014 – Žiga Turk, Čas-opis

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Hitenje s fiskalno konsolidacijo ali hitro zniževanje javne porabe ali davkov na podlagi konzervativne ideologije ima lahko zelo negativne učinke na gospodarsko okrevanje, medtem ko ima nereformiranje javnega sektorja, ohranjanje neoptimalne strukture socialnih transferjev, odlašanje z reformo pokojninskega sistema in trga dela zaradi socialistične ideologije zelo visoke negativne učinke na dolgi rok. Iz povsem pragmatičnih razlogov in v dobro dolgoročnih koristi za celotno družbo je na kratek rok treba biti keynesianec, na dolgi rok pa upoštevati ekonomiko ponudbe. Ni čas za ideologijo, ampak za pragmatičnost.

Upajmo, da bo nova vlada pragmatična, ne ideološka – Jože P. Damijan

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The bottom-line question is: Does an act that’s clearly immoral when done privately become moral when it is done collectively and under the color of law? Put another way, does legality establish morality?

For most of our history, Congress did a far better job of limiting its activities to what was both moral and constitutional. As a result, federal spending was only 3 to 5 percent of the gross domestic product from our founding until the 1920s, in contrast with today’s 25 percent. Close to three-quarters of today’s federal spending can be described as Congress taking the earnings of one American to give to another through thousands of handout programs, such as farm subsidies, business bailouts and welfare.

Spending and Morality – Walter E. Williams, The New American

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Thomas Piketty is to be commended for putting the question of distribution at the center of discussion about our economic future, rather than, as is more common in the dominant neoliberal framework, treating it as important only inasmuch as it bears on questions of mobility and growth. He is to be commended as well for demanding a humbler empiricism from the community of economists. But if we are to proceed from analysis to action, we still need a more robust theory of what is actually causing the problem that we observe. And while there is a certain French elegance to single, universal solutions, it may be that a diversity of attacks, tailored to the economic situations of different countries and regions, is not only more plausible than a new, global tax regime but more optimal as well.

Thomas Piketty Is the Anti-Marx – Noah Millman, The American Conservative

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This is a subject that JM Keynes visited in his famous essay Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren. And while all sensible people have their doubts about “Keynesian Economics” there’s no doubt he was a most perspicacious economist. The essay looks at exactly at this point: when will we actually be able to supply everyone’s needs with not all that much work? He thought it would be some 15 years or so from now and we’d all be working 15 hour weeks. Simply because productivity would have advanced so much that that’s all we would need to work.

And this usually brings out the people shouting about why it hasn’t happened yet. But the thing is that is has happened, just not in quite the manner that everyone thought it would.

Google’s Larry Page on the 40 Hour Work Week – Tim Worstall, Forbes

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The success of these re-emergent technologies also has important lessons for how we think of disruptive innovation. New technologies do not simply displace old ones. Some old technologies, like sailing boats and paper books, have an enduring appeal; some, like watches, can redefine their value; and some, like condoms, can get a new lease of life for unexpected reasons. In addition, people do not just buy something because it provides the most efficient solution to a problem. They buy it because it provides aesthetic satisfaction—a beautiful book, for example, or a perfectly made shirt—or because it makes them feel good about themselves. This suggests a paradox: the more that disruptive innovations like the internet boost the overall productivity of the economy, the more room there will be for old-fashioned industries that focus on quality rather than quantity and heritage rather than novelty. Sometimes the best way forward is backwards.

Second wind: Some traditional businesses are thriving in an age of disruptive innovation – The Economist

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Imagine the once thin borderline of the American past as an ever-thickening band, now extending 100 miles inland around the United States—along the 2,000-mile southern border, the 4,000-mile northern border and both coasts—and you will be able to visualize how vast the CBP’s jurisdiction has become. This “border” region now covers places where two-thirds of the US population (197.4 million people) live. The ACLU has come to call it a “constitution-free zone.” The “border” has by now devoured the full states of Maine and Florida and much of Michigan.

66 Percent of Americans Now Live in a Constitution-Free Zone – Todd Miller, The Nation

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Za konec dodajamo pretresljivo pričevanje Tadeje in Iva Keržeta, h katerima gredo naše misli, sočutje in molitve. In seveda moralna podpora za njuno legitimno prizadevanje:

Desetega julija ob 17. uri je po osmih urah trpljenja prišel na svet otrok, ki bi po moji oceni lahko zapolnil moji dlani. Nisem utegnila preveriti, ker ga je sestra skupaj z ostalimi tkivi takoj odnesla stran. Mož je šel za njo in se vrnil z novico, da imamo punčko. Jok in sklep, da bi jo tudi jaz rada videla. Ko sem jo videla ležati v umivalniku, se mi je zdelo, da mirno spi, tisti prelepi obrazek s čudovitimi ušesci, z drobnimi ročicami, kot narejenimi za prvi objem in nožicami, ki bi jo enkrat ponesle v svet. Vedela sem, da je to Elizabeta. Pokrižala sem jo, še poljubiti in dotakniti se je nisem upala, te krhke lepote. Bolelo je še bolj v petek, ko sem brez otroka zapuščala bolnišnico in brez resnega upanja, da jo bova dobila. Predstojnik oddelka nama je sporočil, da njihovi ustanovi grozi 30 tisoč evrov kazni, če bi nama jo izročili. Ob prisotnosti zastopnika pacientovih pravic smo se dogovorili za prenos na UKC Maribor, kjer Elizabeta čaka na obdukcijo. Danes, v ponedeljek, je moja bolečina še večja. Moja lepa hčerka leži v Bogve kakšnem hladilniku in grozi ji, da jo bodo vrgli med biološki odpad. Vse v meni se upira temu, kajti jaz sem jo v bolnišnico prinesla v trebuhu in jo cel dan rojevala, sedaj pa mi Republika Slovenija ne dovoli, da bi jo z možem pokopala v družinski grob. Kot ženska bi od te iste države lahko zahtevala, da mi otroka na državne stroške ubijejo, moja domovina pa mi ne dovoli, da bi svojo Elizabeto na lastne stroške pokopala.

Vrnite nam Elizabeto! – Ivo in Tadeja Kerže, Časnik

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