Tedenski izbor

teddy-reading
Zdrav način razdolževanja, ki bi omogočil hitrejšo gospodarsko rast, bi bilo pridobivanje novega kapitala v podjetja. Tudi primerjalni podatki z drugimi državami območja evra kažejo, da slovenska podjetja ne odstopajo po višini zadolženosti, ampak po prenizkem kapitalu. Vendar večina podjetij nima lastnikov, ki bi ga lahko zagotovili. Lani so vsa podjetja skupaj dobila le 295 milijonov novega lastniškega kapitala.Najboljši mogoči ukrep za razdolževanje in zagon gospodarstva bi bila zato hitra odprodaja deležev, ki jih imajo v rokah različni tranzicijski lastniki vključno z državo (ta je lastnica 23 odstotkov vsega kapitala slovenskih podjetij in bank ). Čeprav kupci ne bodo pravljični princi na belem konju, je to ena od redkih možnosti, ki jih sploh imamo, da podjetja pridejo do lastnikov, ki bi lahko izboljšali upravljanje in zagotovili dodatni kapital.
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“Putin’s actions should be easy to comprehend,” writes Mearshimer. Ukraine is a “huge expanse of flat land that Napoleonic France, imperial Germany, and Nazi Germany all crossed to strike at Russia itself.” Since Ukraine serves as a “buffer state of enormous strategic importance to Russia … no Russian leader would tolerate a military alliance that was Moscow’s mortal enemy until recently moving into Ukraine.” By the same token, no “Russian leader [would] stand idly by while the West helped install a government there that was determined to integrate Ukraine into the West.” After all, “great powers are always sensitive to potential threats near their home territory.”
The argument is marred by two fatal flaws. First, by invoking past invasions, Mearshimer goes beyond the analytical framework of realism, which assumes that “objective” threats would be recognized as such by any rational observer, and invokes Russian historical memory, ideology, and political culture—or perceptions. Once perceptions enter the picture, we leave the realm of realism’s logical rigor and introduce factors that contradict the objectivity and rationality assumption of realism and implode Mearshimer’s theoretical framework. After all, the power of realism resides in its claim that all rational observers, regardless of nationality, would assess national interests and power relations in approximately the same way. If they do not, because values, norms, ideas, and the like get in the way, then realism amounts to the banal observation that power somehow matters in our assessments of international relations. Who could disagree?
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Upoštevajoč tvit pomembnega pristaša SDS Tomaža Štiha, katerega mnenje v tej stranki veliko šteje, je opcija tudi, da vojska izvede državni udar (ne vem, kakšen bi bil drug evfemizem za to, da vojska prevzame nadzor, saj takšne institucionalne zanke nimamo kodirane v ustavi). To je sicer malo težje izvesti, ampak očitno se te dni razmišlja tudi o tem, zato poglejmo, kako smiselno je priporočilo Tomaža Štiha.

Prvič, kot so že ostali tviteraši opozorili Štiha, bo težko vojska z Vebrovim načelnikom generalštaba izvajala državni udar v imenu Janše in Štiha. Drugič, če obvelja Štihova kontra-informacija iz tvita, da častniki ne sprejemajo Ostermana, potem se mora zgoditi ali najprej udar znotraj vojske in šele potem tanki zapeljejo na ulice in zavzamejo RTV, parlament, zgradbo vlade in predsedništva države ali pa samostojno častniki, ki ne sprejemajo Ostermana, udarijo v prej omenjene institucije in prevzamejo nadzor, kar pa, priznajte, je malo težje izvedljiv scenarij.

Tretjič, in to podpornikom ideje državnega udara ne bo všeč, takšne vrste institucionalnih sprememb zadnjih nekaj let nekako niso zelo popularne v mednarodni javnosti, posebno če bo najprej potrebno obračunati z Ostermanom in šele potem izvesti državni udar. Bodimo kar realni, ideja je absurdno bedasta in ni je sile v katerikoli državi EU, ki bi te dni lahko izvedla kaj takega in preživela.

Bralcem se opravičujem, ker analiziram tako trapasto idejo, kot je državni udar v imenu Janše, ampak take ideje so pač dane v javni prostor in to s strani ljudi, katerih mnenje v SDS šteje in so zaradi tega legitimirane. So pa tudi precej iskrene, saj če prikimamo Štihu k njegovi tezi, da je vse pore slovenskih institucij prevzela komunistična klika, potem se lahko Štih za demokracijo bori samo s pomočjo nasilja.

Končni paradoks: stranka SDS je izdala Janšo! – Kizo, Portal Plus

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Bodimo iskreni, če ni dokaza, da ima Iskra agendo zrušiti ustavni red Republike Slovenije, potem imamo opravka z otroci, ki se igrajo vojno, ne pa z ekstremisti, ki izvajajo mobilizacije in vojaška urjenja. To nas napelje na tretjo točko, razkrinkanje ciljev Iskre. V prilogi k članku boste našli odstopno izjavo nekdanjega predsednika Iskre Klemna Kneza, v njej boste prebrali, da je končni cilj te grupacije:

“Vzpostaviti moramo politični subjekt – ki bo revolucionaren – kar pomeni samo to, da bo svojo moč črpal iz ulice in ne argumentov znotraj postavljenih okvirjev – kajti argumenti so in vedno bodo stvar politikantskega in ideološkega obračanja zadev na glavo. Naš boj je boj za oblast in tega nikoli in nikdar ne smemo pozabiti – oblast celotnega delovnega ljudstva…”

Menim, da je nedvoumno, kaj je želel Knez v svoji odstopni izjavi povedati in kakšna je politika ter cilj Iskre: prevlada ulice nad argumenti, ravno obratno, kot je kodirano v naši ustavi, kjer je parlamentarna argumentacija edini mehanizem za oblikovanje, delovanje in vzpostavljanje institucij. Prevlada ulice nad argumenti (kakršenkoli že je dominantni mehanizem argumentacije) je evfemizem za nasilno revolucijo. In kot pravi Knez, njihov boj je boj za oblast.

V tem kontekstu postane jasno, da Iskrin tabor, ki je bil izveden v nedrjih Univerze, ni bil rekreativnega namena, ampak je imel za svoj namen urjenje sile nad močjo argumentiranja in taisti tabor ni služil motiviranju študentarije pred jesenskimi izpitnimi roki, ampak team-buildingu obstoječih in mobilizaciji novih sil. Ste še vedno skeptični? Potem preberite nadaljevanje Knezovega pisanja:

“… Pot do tja je mukotrpna – saj se ne borimo za ljubljanski študenteraj, niti za slovenski delavski razred – temveč za svetovni prevrat obstoječih družbenih razmerij – socialno revolucijo – in s tem socialistično Republiko.”

Hočete ekstremiste? – Kizo, Portal Plus

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Nothing is too gross when promoting racial hysteria in an election year. Veteran Democrat Congressman Charlie Rangel from Harlem declared that Republicans “don’t disagree — they hate!” According to Rangel, “Some of them believe that slavery isn’t over and that they won the Civil War!”

Republicans did win the Civil War. That’s why there is no more slavery. It was a Republican president who issued the Emancipation Proclamation. It was a Republican-controlled Congress that voted for the 13th Amendment, outlawing slavery.

In the 1960s, a higher percentage of Republicans than Democrats voted for the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. If we are going to talk about history, let’s at least get the facts right.

Only an utter ignorance of history, in this era of dumbed-down education, could allow demagogues like Rangel to get away with the absurdities that abound in election year politics.

Voter Fraud and Voter I.D. – Thomas Sowell, The New American

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Lena Dunham has been declared the voice of her generation not because she has anything to say but because she never stops talking. Or so it seems to me, a member of that generation. However awkward, unnecessary, or ill-informed a thought of hers may be, the twenty-eight-year-old seems ready to give voice to it. Her film, television series, and book—all to varying degrees autobiographical—seek deliverance in disclosure. Dunham has shown us everything.

In turn, she has been praised for demonstrating “courage,” “honesty,” “awareness,” and a dozen other euphemistic antonyms for reticence. (…)

Intimacy demands spaces of silence, and Dunham has built a career by violating those silences. She has attacked discretion and in the process attacked intimacy itself.

A Word for Discretion – Matthew Schmitz, First Things

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Since I cannot now receive the Eucharist, it is through spiritual communion that I am kept spiritually fed by the Lord. This act of willing reception is not, as some may think, second-class communion. Far from it. To believe so is to diminish one of the ways Christ feeds his people, as Hans Urs von Balthasar warns in his book, Prayer:

For spiritual communion is by no means merely an act of longing for the reception of the Lord under the sacramental signs; much deeper, and more properly, it is the act of prayer of a living and understanding faith, by which it enters into living communication and communion with Christ, the eternal and living Truth.

Balthasar wants to impress upon the reader the objective reality of spiritual communion. It is not the absence of something but the presence of him. I don’t get to pine or indulge in self-pity during the distribution of the Eucharist. And God forbid I should become angry with my priest or the Church for not giving me Communion. As Archbishop Charles J. Chaput put it during the 2014 Erasmus lecture, “none of us are welcome on our own terms, in the Church we’re welcome on Jesus’ terms. That’s what it means to be a Christian, you submit yourself to Jesus and His teaching. You don’t recreate your own body of spirituality.”

My Plea: I’m a divorced and remarried mother. Please don’t change the Church practice – Luma Simms, First Things

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Za konec pa še tekst, ki smo ga po krivici spregledali v oktobru: kolumna Narod si bo PR pisal sam izpod peresa našega priljubljenega levičarskega kolumnista Mihe Blažiča – N’Toka.

Ideja, da smo Slovenci homogena celota in da nas povezuje neka pradavna zarukanost, je privlačna iz več razlogov. Kdo ne bi rad verjel, da ga obdajajo sami idioti, ki ovirajo njegov uspeh? Če bi se rodili v katerikoli drugi državi, bi gotovo prepoznali našo genialnost, tukaj v Butalah pa, eh … kaj bi vam govoril. Slovenci imamo zaradi zaplankanega okolja pač zvezane roke. Če so našim babicam župniki povedali, da živijo v tej dolini solz zaradi izvirnega greha, smo mi dobili zgodbo o narodnem značaju. Tako pred začetkom vsakega delovnega dne moja generacija zmoli: »Verujem v Enega Slovenca, zarukanega, koruptivnega lenuha, ki poveličuje nesposobnost in kaznuje talent. Verujem v Balkansko mentaliteto, v prirojeno nepoštenost, v slovensko uravnilovko. Za hlapce rojeni, za hlapce vzgojeni, ustvarjeni za hlapčevanje. Amen.« In beseda je meso postala.

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