Tedenski izbor

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Today is a dark day for Europe. The barbaric assault on the offices of the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo is an attack most immediately on the journalists and cartoonists who worked there, 12 of whom are dead, executed in cold blood for the ‘crime’ of saying what they think. But this horrific act was also an attack on Europe itself, on all of us, on our fundamental right to freedom of thought and speech. None of us can feel the pain currently being felt by the friends and families of the murdered journalists and illustrators – but all of us should feel assaulted by this massacre, for it is designed to chill us and make us cower, to make us censor ourselves or else suffer the consequences.

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Our response should be to reaffirm our commitment to freedom of speech and most importantly to the right to be offensive, to provoke, to mock and ridicule any belief system we want. From John Wilkes’ royalty-bashing pamphlets to Thomas Paine’s questioning of religion, offending gods and kings, kicking against the orthodoxies of one’s age, has been central to the Enlightenment, to the birth of the modern world. To fail to offer solidarity to Charlie Hebdo and other modern offenders against religious or political correctness would be to turn the clock back on the Enlightenment itself and propel Europe back into an era of self-silencing and moral obedience.

In solidarity with Charlie Hebdo: fight for the right to be offensive – Brendan O’Neill, Spiked

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Potem ko bomo pokopali ubite, preboleli začetni šok in se vrnili k vsakodnevnim opravilom, bo prišel tudi čas za resno analizo. V vmesnem času, ko je rana še živa, pa je pomembno, da ne podležemo dvema skušnjavama.

Prva je ta, da bi dogodek odpravili kot nekaj tujega, uvoženega, kot izraz slepega in nasilnega fundamentalizma, ki smo ga Evropejci že zdavnaj prerasli. Naredili bi veliko napako. Prvič zato, ker to preprosto ne drži: storilci so verjetno zrasli na evropski zemlji, morda celo v istem mestu kot njihove žrtve. Poleg tega ljudje z zgodovinskim spominom vedo, da so se podobne reči zgodile tudi pri nas in da se zgodba lahko v vsakem trenutku ponovi: Bosna v devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja; komunistično, nacistično in fašistično državno nasilje nad disidenti in njihovimi družinami; umazane državljanske vojne in revolucije; uničujoče, z industrijsko močjo in vrhunsko znanostjo podprte vojne, skratka, desetine in stotine milijonov pobitih mož, žena, otrok in starcev. Pa sem se omejil le na Evropo 20. stoletja po Kristusu.

Ločnica med mirom in vojno, med dobroto in hudobijo ne sovpada z mejo med Evropo in Bližnjim vzhodom, med krščanstvom in islamom, med sekulariziranim Zahodom in religioznim preostankom sveta.

Ta ločnica gre po sredi vsakega človeka, vsake skupnosti, vsake države in vsake kulture. Našega miru ne ogrožajo le zavedeni, zakrinkani, arabske slogane kričoči dvajset- in tridesetletniki, po možnosti “uvoženi” iz daljnih dežel. Mir v moji deželi je ogrožen takrat, ko sem nestrpen do soseda, s katerim se ne strinjam ali mu zavidam, pa tudi takrat, ko molčim in nič ne ukrenem proti objestnežem in nasilnežem okrog sebe.

O dveh skušnjavah po pokolu v Parizu – Peter Lah, Planet Siol

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The German president, Joachim Gauck, has spoken about ‘a new German us’. But what if the old German ‘us’ isn’t terribly happy about it? And this old German ‘us’ is, I’d say, a critical part of the makeup of the Pegida demonstrators. Because in Germany, as elsewhere, the remaking of the country through large scale immigration has happened by default, not by explicit consent – you only get that in Switzerland. My own instinct is that the only reason the Eurosceptic, immigration-questioning Alternative fuer Deutschland party – who aren’t nutters – hasn’t made more headway is because of the overwhelming popularity of Angle Merkel, the mother of the nation, a maternal Mrs T. But she won’t be running again. And when she’s gone, German politics will, I think, take on a different aspect. Meanwhile, the disquiet over the changing nature of Germany will continue to manifest itself in these Monday demonstrations by Pegida … and both they, and the counter demonstrations, can only get bigger, because the underlying reason for them isn’t going away.

Germany’s anti-Islamisation sentiment isn’t going to disappear any time soon – Melanie McDonagh, The Spectator

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Tatsächlich laufen in Dresden bislang bloß einige Kleinbürger schweigend durch ihre Stadt. Gewaltlos und mit diffusen Forderungen. Sie vermeiden mehrheitlich radikale Ansichten, sie randalieren nicht, sie fackeln keine Autos ab, ja sie reden nicht einmal. Sie laufen, weil sie sich fürchten vor Islamisten. Es ist eine schweigende Demonstration der Angst.

Das Ganze könnte man lächerlich oder unbegründet finden und einfach ignorieren. Dass aber ausgerechnet ein derartiger Spießbürger-Spaziergang, dessen größter Akt der Provokation bislang im Absingen von Weihnachtsliedern bestand, die Republik derart in Wallung bringt, sagt mehr über den Zustand der Republik als über die Demonstranten.

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Es geht bei der Pegida-Debatte nicht um Rassismus, es geht um die Grenzen der politischen Korrektheit – also darum, was gesagt werden darf und was nicht. Wo die Sorge aufhört und die Schande beginnt. Darum spielt auch die unbeholfene Kritik der Demonstranten an vermeintlichen „Systemmedien“ eine so große Rolle. Es wächst offenbar eine Sehnsucht nach offenen Debatten jenseits des Gutmenschen-Politsprechs. Die Pegida-Demonstrationen wachsen daher nicht trotz der Berliner Moralkeulen und Verbalattacken von Woche zu Woche an, sondern gerade deshalb.

Wieso wird Pegida nicht ignoriert? – Wolfram Weimer, Handelsblatt

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»Čemu sploh smo se osamosvajali? Da bomo sami pa tudi naši otroci in vnuki postali poceni delovna sila multinacionalk?« Ga, ga… No, jaz se zagotovo nisem osamosvajal zato, da bodo morali še moji otroci hoditi na ritualne plemenske dogodke v Dražgoše, ali na žure sedemnajste iteracije LDS, ali piknike SDS, da bi dobili službo v državnem podjetju, ker drugih služb itak ne bo. Da bi živeli v isti nagravžni tovarišijski čorbi, kot nam jo je uspelo skuhati v dosedanjega četrt stoletja tranzicije. »… bo Slovenijo uvrstila med druga nekdanja socialistična gospodarstva, o katerih usodi odločajo lastniki multinacionalk.« O kom je tu govor? O Poljski, Estoniji, državah, ki imajo trenutno v Evropi precej več ugleda kot Slovenija? Kakšna neverjetna zaplankanost.

Aktualni cenik nacionalnega interesa – Blaž Vodopivec, Finance

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The rhetoric of clever people often confuses the undeniable fact that life is unfair with the claim that a given institution or society is unfair.

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What may be a spontaneous confusion among the public at large about the very different meanings of the word “equality” can be a carefully cultivated confusion by politicians, lawyers and others skilled in rhetoric, who can exploit that confusion for their own benefit.

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But whether as a crusade or a racket, a confused conception of equality is a formula for never-ending strife that can tear a whole society apart — and has already done so in many countries.

The ‘Equality’ Racket – Thomas Sowell, Townhall.com

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But until the rearmament programme is completed, Poland is vulnerable. Current plans call for Poland to hold off an attack until Poland’s NATO allies can swing into action and come in to help. “One-on-one we have no chance,” says Mr Pisarski. Worryingly, that is largely the same doctrine employed by the Polish military in 1939, when the doctrine was to hold off the Germans long enough for France and Britain to attack. That help never came, forcing Poles to go underground with the Home Army to continue the fight.“We supposedly had a strong alliance in 1939, and no one came to help us,” says Mr Waszczuk. “Now we’re hearing that Germany is in no shape to help us and that NATO is unclear about sending troops here. In the end, the best defence is to rely on yourself.”

The Home Army is Back – The Economist

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