Tedenski izbor

Naš cilj je bil tudi, narediti konec enoumju, ki se v razpravi o privatizaciji ustvarja, ko mediji kot protiutež nasprotnikom privatizacije prikazujejo ljudi, ki v ključnost obsežne privatizacije sploh ne verjamejo, ampak jo zagovarjajo zgolj v zelo omejeni obliki, kot nujno zlo za pokrivanje preteklih dolgov in ugodno nadaljnje zadolževanje za tekoče potrebe proračuna, ki jih niso pripravljeni oklestiti. Tudi to dvoje sta relevantna razloga, gotovo. Nista pa ne edina ne najbolj pomembna, zato je bila dosedanja razprava brez sogovornikov, ki bi to jasno povedali, izkrivljena.

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Zaključim naj z odgovorom na slogan: »Prodaja ni ne prostovoljna, ne poštena in ne pravična!«, ki ga slišimo iz druge strani te razprave.

Neprostovoljno je prav državno lastništvo, saj nam je prebivalcem vsiljeno in brez naše privolitve vzdrževano z našimi sredstvi. Nepoštena je trditev, da gre za »naša« podjetja, ko pa se o njih in za njih nikakor ne odločamo državljani, ampak jih kot bankomat uporabljajo interesne mreže. Nepravično je, da moramo davkoplačevalci nositi tveganje, ko se politiki odločijo igrati podjetnike in borzne posrednike z našim denarjem. Neprostovoljno, nepošteno in nepravično je, da je račun centralnega plana vedno znova izstavljen davkoplačevalcem. Naredimo temu konec.

Kaj je prinesla pobuda ZA privatizacijo? – Rok Novak, Časnik

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Pred velikimi izzivi smo. Medtem ko se Evropa spopada z islamskimi teroristi, mafijska paradržava začenja vojno proti zadnjemu ciklu slovenske privatizacije. Civilnodružbena pobudba za-privatizacijo.org je v tem trenutku edina podpora, ki jo ima Cerar v javnosti glede vprašanja, okoli katerega pričakujemo »ne boj, mesarsko klanje«, saj gre za preveč denarja, da bi se mu neformalni nosilci oblasti prostovoljno odpovedali.

Državna podjetja, skozi katera se obrača okoli 70 odstotkov slovenskega gospodarstva, so namreč tista, ki jim omogočajo črne jaguarje in drugo razkošje, njihov denar pa zagotavlja nadzor nad vsemi vejami oblasti. In ko to aorto nekdo preseka, je vojna…

Dražgoški jaguar je vojna napoved – Dejan Steinbuch, Finance

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2. O dobičkih in izgubah državnih podjetij 

Luka Mesec: “Podatki, ki jih imam jaz, so drugačni (odgovor predsedniku GZS Samu Hribarju Miliču na javni tribuni, op. a.). V letu 2013 so podjetja v državni lasti ustvarila 393 milijonov evrov dobička. Četrtina se je stekla v proračun, ostalo v investicije. Očitno se bova morala po okrogli mizi pogovoriti.”

a.   Poslovni rezultat leta 2013. Državna podjetja, brez finančnega sektorja, ki so poslovala z dobičkom, so po uradnih podatkih Ajpesa v letu 2013 ustvarila 620 milijonov evrov dobička. Tista, ki so poslovala z izgubo, so ustvarila 770 milijonov evrov izgube. Kot celota so državna podjetja tako ustvarila 140 milijonov evrov neto izgube. Pri tem je upoštevanih več kot 600 državnih podjetij, ki so v neposredni lasti države, SDH, DSU, KAD, Modre Zavarovalnice, občin, bank in vse medsebojne navzkrižne primerjave med podjetji.

b.   Kaj je dobičkonosni vir? Na podlagi kakšnih podatkov je Luka Mesec na javni tribuni dokazoval nasprotno, kot pa jasno kažejo uradni in javni podatki, ni jasno. Ni namreč navedel svojega vira. Predlagam, da nam zaupa, od kod mu podatki, in to javno pove. Ne v gostilni in ob gostilniških debatah.

Avtogoli Luke Meseca – Goran Novković, Portal Plus

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Free speech is getting an increasingly bad name even in democratic nations. Earlier this year the Swedish artist Dan Park was convicted in a hate speech case and sentenced to six months in jail after nine of his images had been exhibited in a private gallery in Malmo. The court ordered his works destroyed. They were denounced as racist, though an art critic explained that they in fact were targeting racial discrimination with the language of sarcasm. There was no debate whatsoever in Sweden about the imprisonment of Park. The public applauded the verdict.

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So did the London Barbican when in September they pulled the plug on their racism-exploring “Exhibit B,” by the white South African artist Brett Bailey. The piece was a recreation of a human zoo from the 19th century that features African performers in cages. It was intended to provoke a debate about slavery, colonization and racism, but the artist himself came to be accused of racism. People behind the petition to cancel the exhibition argued that they wanted barbaric things of the past to remain in the past. The logic is amazing: If you don’t talk about any given thing, it will cease to exist. This is the way a totalitarian regime treats the real world. If you ban certain words the reality behind them will disappear.

We Must All be Charlie Hebdo Today – Flemming Rose, Politico Magazine

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The demand from non-state actors to censor offensive art is the tragicomic enactment of a cartoon by Wiley Miller, entitled ‘The politically correct school for comprehending the arts’. This fictional school is based on three principles: ‘Step one: Misinterpret; step two: Proclaim offence; step three: Get it banned.’ This is precisely the logic that has allowed Moral Panic 2.0 to move from activism into the courtroom.

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By targeting offensive art with criminal sanctions, Moral Panic 2.0 activists have also succeeded in blurring the lines between liberalism and authoritarianism. Liberal democracies have a long tradition of celebrating diversity in art, whereas authoritarian states view non-conformist art as subversive and dangerous. Elvis Presley’s music and suggestive dance moves were considered too daring by East Germany’s Communist rulers. As an alternative to subversive rock’n’roll, East German bureaucrats created the ‘Lipsi’, a more orderly and less sexual dance, which was greeted with ridicule and disdain by East Germans craving the real deal available on the other side of the Berlin Wall.

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From Mozart to hip hop, from Gauguin to Piss Christ, from Ulysses to Harry Potter, artistic expression has always offended the sensibilities of particular groups. But once particular groups are allowed to dictate the limits of artistic expression, we will soon discover that the list of offendable groups is endless. Accommodating them all will lead to a cultural life about as vibrant as the Lipsi.

Moral Panic 2.0: The era of progressive censorship – Jacob Mchangama, Spiked

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If I were an ISIS recruiter, I’d realize I have nothing to offer the people of Iraq and Syria in the way of positive contributions to their society. So I’d need help to get recruits. But I’d be glad the U.S. government is doing every single thing it can possibly do to promote more interest in the cause of radical Islam in Syria and Iraq (ISIS) — and I’d hope they keep doing more of exactly what they are doing.

If I were an ISIS recruiter, I’d also want the mass media to keep doing the same thing it’s doing by keeping the American people ignorant of how I get new recruits by associating my ISIS cause with patriotism and religion. The last thing I would want is for the American people to demand a change in policy.

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But I’m not an ISIS recruiter — and I have to wonder why the U.S. government has oriented its foreign policy to maximize the radicalization of Islamic forces and to associate all patriotic and religious sentiment toward that end. And I also have to wonder why the mass media is complicit in this policy.

If I were an ISIS Recruiter – Thomas R. Eddlem, The New American

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The universities that mould the American elite seek out talented recruits from all backgrounds, and clever poor children who make it to the Ivy League may have their fees waived entirely. But middle-class students have to rack up huge debts to attend college, especially if they want a post-graduate degree, which many desirable jobs now require. The link between parental income and a child’s academic success has grown stronger, as clever people become richer and splash out on their daughter’s Mandarin tutor, and education matters more than it used to, because the demand for brainpower has soared. A young college graduate earns 63% more than a high-school graduate if both work full-time—and the high-school graduate is much less likely to work at all. For those at the top of the pile, moving straight from the best universities into the best jobs, the potential rewards are greater than they have ever been.

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Many schools are in the grip of one of the most anti-meritocratic forces in America: the teachers’ unions, which resist any hint that good teaching should be rewarded or bad teachers fired. To fix this, and the scandal of inequitable funding, the system should become both more and less local. Per-pupil funding should be set at the state level and tilted to favour the poor. Dollars should follow pupils, through a big expansion of voucher schemes or charter schools. In this way, good schools that attract more pupils will grow; bad ones will close or be taken over. Unions and their Democratic Party allies will howl, but experiments in cities such as battered New Orleans have shown that school choice works.

America´s new aristocracy – The Economist

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Willem Steenkamp’s account of the protracted struggle for South West Africa (now Namibia) has become one of the most enduring accounts of a conflict that went on for a generation. In South Africa’s Border War 1966-1989, the reader finds an comprehensive — and comprehensible — retelling of a war which went on between a sometimes confusing array of Forces.

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The republication of the work is of benefit to students of history who desire a better understanding of one of the murkier periods of Cold War history. The battlegrounds of Angola and South West Africa have never been as well known in America as the struggles for Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, but that does not diminish the significance of the struggle. The South Africans fought some of the most significant battles against communist aggression, and their reward has often been the degrading silence of Western nations.

A Review of “South Africa´s Border War 1966-1989” – James Heiser, The New American

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