Tedenski izbor

hieronim

Politically correct leftism is more than a challenge to liberalism. It is a test of liberalism. (…)

America’s most effective liberals—from Harry Truman to Rahm Emanuel—have known how and when to defy the illiberal left, whether that illiberal left was communist or Third Worldist or, as it is today, infatuated with the jargon of “intersectionality.” The liberals who couldn’t or wouldn’t or didn’t have been dragged toward the same marginality that has always befallen the hard left in America—and always will.

Republicans have suffered greatly over the past six years from their visible terror of their more extreme associates. The evolution toward a more responsible Republicanism remains incomplete, but is visibly under way. Now it seems to be the turn of liberals and Democrats to veer off into their own ideological fever-swamps.

Liberals and the Illiberal Left – David Frum, The Atlantic

***

The Church does not rename pagan traditions as the secularist renames Christian holidays, seasons, symbols and so forth. The Church baptizes the world. The Church impudently gives pagan traditions new meanings, of which a new name is an icon and consequence. The Winter Solstice is not renamed ‘Christmas’ in the manner in which secularists timidly rename Christmas ‘Winter Solstice.’ No, the Winter Solstice becomes Christmas — the old gods are dead and Christianity has killed them.

(…)

This helps us to finally understand the difference between a baptism and a renaming. The post-Christian renaming reduces to an acceptable effect without daring to alter the cause. The baptism invokes and declares a new cause — not Spring, but Christ, not the gods, but God, not the garden’s growth, but the Gardener. A cause alone can remain and bear the fruit of effects. An effect divorced from its cause — a holiday apart from a Holy Day, a sign of the cross apart from the Cross — these crumble as a tree without roots. I am Catholic because I want to live in a universe of primary meaning, of a real relation of effect to cause

The Difference Between Renaming and a Baptism – Marc Barnes, The Bad Catholic

***

At issue is the tension in the basic human desire to demonstrate allegiance to a cause by wearing it, literally, on one’s sleeve. That tendency is facilitated by the contemporary personalization/maker movement trend, wherein individuals have been empowered by the web’s ease of creation and dissemination to craft their own stuff — not to mention the current vogue, driven by social media, to living in public — and the equally public opportunity to judge and condemn.

While questions have always existed around possibly gratuitous demonstrations of solidarity, technology has raised the stakes and brought them to the fore.

To sell or not to sell? To wear or not to wear? Whether ‘tis nobler in the mind to suffer the slings and arrows of terrible fortune/Or to wear T-shirts against a sea of troubles/And by appearance try to end them.

Or something. (Apologies to Shakespeare.)

After a Tragedy, the Memorabilia – Vanessa Friedman, The New York Times

***

Ampak lepo vas prosim. Ne vem točno, koliko zunanjih, honorarnih, prekernih sodelavcev soustvarja Delove vsebine, vem pa, da nas je veliko. Vem tudi, da so honorarji obupni in da večina novinarjev prekercev dela kot utrgana, da se prebije skozi mesec, kar je slabo tako za nas, kot za naše delo.

Doživljate prekerno delo kot pereč problem? Kot anomalijo, krivico, družbeno neenakost? Bi radi zoper to kaj ukrenili? Ja zaposlite nas, za božjo voljo. Ali pa nas vsaj plačujte kot ljudi.

Ne pa da odprete spletno platformo, ki daje obupanim ljudem priložnost, da lahko za vas brezplačno ustvarjajo družbeno relevantne vsebine.

Delo osvobaja – Katja Perat, Delo

***

Pri tekstu peticije [proti privatizaciji] gre v osnovi za koncept argumentacije, ki spominja na streljanje s šibrovko. Ni bistveno, da si natančen, nekaj bo že zadelo.

In vendar je privatizacija smiselna in potrebna. Pobudniki peticije namreč ne ponujajo svojega denarja za odkup lastniškega deleža države. Kot alternativo privatizaciji ponujajo vaš, torej davkoplačevalski, denar. Alternativa privatizaciji, ki jo peticija priročno zamolči, je namreč: zamenjaj vodstvo, dokapitaliziraj z javnim denarjem in to vajo ponavljaj vsakih nekaj let.

Privatizacija kot zarota – Črt Kostevc, Damijan blog

***

To be sure, in the appropriate context, more public spending and investment and commendable efforts to avoid deflation, like those of the European Central Bank, would be well advised.

But under the present circumstances, such steps risk distracting the Continent even further from addressing its most serious challenges.

Europe needs to become more competitive in global markets. That can be achieved only by a variety of policy changes, such as keeping top tax rates at sensible levels and regulatory reforms that would give companies more freedom to manage their businesses as they see fit, including, when necessary, closing plants and reducing head counts. That is the only viable path to sustainable growth and, ultimately, more jobs.

Europe’s Anti-Business Stance – Steven Rattner, The New York Times

***

Marine Le Pen and her Eurosceptic, far-right National Front are riding high in the opinion polls, in part by opposing austerity and economic reforms demanded by Brussels. In a classic example of right- and left-wing alignment, Ms Le Pen has backed Syriza on the basis of its opposition to austerity, though she has always criticised its relatively tolerant immigration policies. On Monday she hailed Syriza’s victory, saying the Greek people had delivered a “monstrous democratic slap” to the EU. France’s president, François Hollande, offered formal congratulations as well. But Syriza’s win could present Mr Hollande with a headache by emboldening the left-wing rebels within his Socialist party, who consider the current prime minister, Manuel Valls, and his finance minister, Emmanuel Macron, unforgivably liberal.

Within the euro zone, Italy is the country whose position is closest to Greece’s. It faces a debt load of 132% of GDP and has its own populist left-wing party, the Five Star Movement, which like Syriza clamours for an end to austerity. Italy’s government, headed by the centre-left prime minister, Matteo Renzi, quickly congratulated Mr Tsipras on his win. Yet Mr Renzi has generated growing political opposition with his ambitious agenda of liberal reforms, and his foes have been appropriating Mr Tsipras’s win as their own.  “Our Eurosceptic vision will continue to be confirmed everywhere,” declared the Five Star Movement in its response.

Greece turns, Europe wobbles – The Economist

 ***

Opozorila, ki so vse glasneje prihajala iz perifernih držav, da so posledice varčevalne politike nevzdržne in da jih ljudje preprosto ne bodo sprejeli, so bila preslišana. Ekonomska politika se je sprejemala v središču, politične in socialne posledice so trpele periferije.

In je počilo. Drugače tudi ni moglo biti.

Politično sobivanje pomeni iskanje kompromisov, ki naj zadovolji vsaj tiste, ki lahko to sobivanje ogrozijo. Nobena politika ne more delovati izključno na podlagi ekonomske racionalnosti. Dokler imajo ljudje možnost političnega delovanja, bodo ureditve, ki jih večina doživlja kot krivične ali nevzdržne, doživele odpor.

To se bo zgodilo tudi tedaj, ko ne bodo imeli nobenega tehtnega argumenta na svoji strani.

Levičarski populizem: novi dejavnik evropske politike – Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Siol

***

V volilnem programu Sirize je 40 idej, kako denar deliti ali metati podjetnikom polena pod noge, pa nobene ideje, kako bi pridelali in prodali en sam lonček oliv več. Program z zadnjih volitev je še bolj utopičen. Po zadnjih volitvah pa se jih bodo tudi tuji investitorji s svojim denarjem, znanjem in trgi izogibali v širokem loku.

Konec varčevanju ne bo naredila Siriza. Že veljavni program trojke ne predvideva nobenega večjega dodatnega varčevanja.

V Grčiji ne gre za varčevanje. Gre za vračanje radikalnih utopij 20. stoletja.
Grška osvobodilna borba proti tujim finančnim okupatorjem, Bruslju, vsiljenemu varčevanju … je samo sredstvo za prevzem oblasti v Grčiji, morda pa tudi širše, s strani populistov in demagogov, ki v normalnih nekriznih razmerah nikoli niso mogli računati na uspeh na demokratičnih volitvah.

***

V času, ko potrebujemo resen pogovor o usodi planeta, zahodne civilizacije, Evropske unije in znotraj tega Slovenije, so čudežne rešitve, ki jih stranke potegnejo iz rokava na koncu programa, navaden blef: “O, Mama bo vse plačala, mi pa po starem dalje!”

Če smo začeli desničarstvo povezovati z neoliberalizmom, potem je toliko večja sramota, da bomo očitno po novem levičarje povezali z vero v čudeže.

Take stvari pišejo ljudje in so pisane za ljudi, ki so odraščali v varnem udobju vsaj srednjega sloja (dokler je obstajal) in varne družine, ki jim je blažila tegobe sveta. Duh, ki verjame v čudeže, se mora izogibati stiku z realnostjo, ki jih ne prinaša. Psihometrične meritve in ankete po Sloveniji kažejo še posebej odločno nasprotovanje, da bi se realnost vmešavala v naša mnenja in načrte, zato nimamo Churchilla in njegovih realističnih obljub – torej se pri nas Združeni levici dobro piše.

Zakaj slovenska prihodnost pripada Združeni levici? – Miha Mazzini, Siol

***

In Lübeck gibt es schwere Vorwürfe aufgrund der Teilnahme von rund 1.000 Schülern der fünf örtlichen Europaschulen an einer „Demonstration für Freiheit, Toleranz, Weltoffenheit und Vielfalt“, die ein Zeichen gegen die Pegida-Bewegung setzen sollte.

(…)

Es sei keine Demonstration, sondern eine Aktion der Schulen gewesen, schreibt ein mutmaßlich betroffener Schüler auf Facebook.  Lustig sei daran gewesen, dass die Schüler spät informiert worden seien:  „Freiwillig war das gar nicht: Wer nicht mitgegangen wäre, hätte dann einen Strich in der Anwesenheit bekommen und warum? Genau, war eine Schulveranstaltung. Im Klartext: Wenn Schüler gegen diese Aktion waren (jetzt nicht, weil sie gegen die Werte sind), wurden sie gezwungen hinzugehen. Ein Hoch auf die Freiheit!”“, so ein Facebook-Kommentar.

Schüler zur Toleranz-Demo gezwungen? – blu-News

***

En podatek in ena podoba me kot kristjana vznemirjata, ko dandanašnji internetno ‘surfam’ po Dresdnu in okrog. Vzhodna Nemčija je statistično najbolj ateistično območje v okolju zahodne civilizacije. Pegidaši so večinoma (73%) neverni ljudje. Eden izmed simbolov, s katerimi mahajo, pa je križ; natančneje, nemška zastava v obliki križa.

„Ko vidim rdeče-črno-zlati visoko vzdignjeni križ, se zgrozim,“ je izjavil upokojeni evangeličanski škof Christian Krause, svoj čas predsedujoči Svetovni luteranski zvezi. Ter dodal, da naj bi Pegidin križ sicer pomenil neke vrste simbol nemške krščanske identitete, ki da jo pegidaši branijo. „Ne vedo, kaj branijo,“ zaključi škof.

Če sem hudo črnogled, lahko v dresdenskem „rdeče-črno-zlatem visoko vzdignjenem križu“ vidim vzporednico z norveškim množičnim morilcem mladih Andersom Breivikom. Tudi on je govoril o obrambi evropske identitete v imenu krščanstva in se navdihoval pri simbolu križa ter pri vitezih križarjih. Na strani 1307 svojega manifesta Breivik piše: „Jaz in še veliko drugih, kot sem jaz, nimamo nujno osebnega odnosa z Jezusom Kristusom in Bogom. Mi namreč verjamemo v krščanstvo kot kulturno, družbeno, identitetno in moralno platformo. To nas dela kristjane.“

Krščanstvo torej kot kulturna platforma, kot mega faza heglijanskega duha, kot zgodovinsko nujna ideja, kot mi-nismo-islam, kot tehnično najboljši imunski sistem za zahodne nacije,…. povejmo naravnost, krščanstvo kot platforma za brutalnost.

Križ v Dresdnu – Branko Cestnik, Časnik

***

I believe that the injustice of the world finds its birth in the individual human heart—in my individual human heart—not in systems or powers external to me. If what Christ taught is true—if the disease of man that fosters injustice is an interior, spiritual problem—then we will not win with revolution; we will fail to conquer evil, even a little. Goodness begins with interior transformation. Goodness begins with the discovery of the true self—the secret self hidden in the mystery of Christ.

New Seeds of Revolution – Hunter Sharpless, Ethika Politika

***

I have long believed the Iraq War was one of the worst foreign-policy blunders in U.S. history. Watching “American Sniper,” Kyle seemed to me as much a victim of the horrible decision to invade Iraq as the Iraqis.

Rod Dreher is right: “The main takeaway for me was the cost of war on a soldier. It made me angrier at Bush, Rumsfeld, and the lot for putting true-believing, faithful soldiers like Chris Kyle into Iraq under false or foolish pretenses.”

(…)

Demonizing either U.S. soldiers or ordinary Iraqis is much easier for those who didn’t have to live the war up close, or at all, but only experience it through Fox News pundits or op-eds in The Guardian.

Every Arab or Muslim is not a terrorist, though for many hawks there is a certain moral comfort in subscribing to this kind of bigotry. Every U.S. soldier is not a “murderer,” “psychopath” or “baby killer” (going back to the Vietnam-era), though antiwar critics get a certain satisfaction with these blanket slanders.

The truth is more complex. It almost always is.

Don’t Hate Chris Kyle – or the Iraqis – Jack Hunter, The American Conservative

***

GK Chesterton once said that if men will not be governed by the ten commandments, they will be governed by the 10,000. In other words, there are two ways for a society to structure itself: The method more common to we moderns uses laws, rules, codes, and procedures to protect against every possible eventuality. Everything must be counted, measured, controlled, and regulated. Only then can order be made or sustained.

The latter approach, one virtually unknown to most westerners though it still lives on in some small towns, relies on shared knowledge, affections, history, and relationships to maintain order in a fairly informal, organic model that isn’t easy to codify or regulate.

The Demands of Love in Harry Potter – Jake Meador, Mere Orthodoxy

***

The rise of nationalist and totalitarian ideologies in Europe profoundly affected the family. Having been both bolstered and confined by religion and custom under the old order, the oldest human institution was transformed, distorted and sometimes destroyed by what followed.

In “Family Politics”, a haunting, vivid and thought-provoking new work of social history, Paul Ginsborg, a British-born professor in Florence, uses the prism of family life to make sense of the first half of the 20th century in the five European countries to which it brought the sharpest changes. They are Italy under Benito Mussolini, Germany under the Nazis, Spain during the civil war and under General Franco, Turkey under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Russia (later the Soviet Union) in the revolution and under Joseph Stalin.

Families and totalitarianism: Behind closed doors – The Economist

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