Tedenski izbor

 

 

Odločili so se, da za pomorjenimi izbrišejo vsako sled. Poznamo dokumente zveznega in republiškega nivoja, ki govorijo o tem, da grobovi nikakor ne smejo obstajati. Ljudje in grobovi morajo izginiti iz spomina javnosti. To je trajalo do demokratičnih sprememb v Sloveniji leta 1990, do določene mere pa celo še danes. Seveda se je v Sloveniji o njih nekaj govorilo, zlasti ko je bil leta 1975 objavljen intervju Borisa Pahorja z Edvardom Kocbekom v reviji Zaliv, pa esej Spomenke Hribar Krivda in greh leta 1983 ter zlasti po spravni slovesnosti v Kočevskem rogu leta 1990. Letos bo od te slovesnosti minilo 25 let, ko smo Slovenci mislili, da bomo to travmatično točko slovenske zgodovine lahko zaključili, da bomo pokopali mrtve in označili njihove grobove, a se to na žalost ni zgodilo. Če lahko razumem, da je to skrivanje v času socializma trajalo 45 let, pa težko razumem, da je že 25 let, odkar imamo demokratično ureditev, a imamo le malo pokazati glede označevanja grobov in pokopa žrtev. Njihovi svojci zdaj z bolečino v srcu zapuščajo ta svet, saj so upali, da bodo v novi slovenski državi izvedeli, kje ležijo njihovi domači in kje jim lahko prižgejo svečo.

Huda jama je bila prehuda, po državi še vedno stotine neoznačenih grobišč – Mitja Ferenc za MMC RTV Slovenija

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Nekaj je hudo narobe z družbo, ki ne želi pokopati svojih mrtvih, jim postaviti spominske centre in državna obeležja, kaj šele, da bi preganjala odgovorne za njihovo smrt. Vsi, ki so kdaj umrli oziroma bili pokončani na slovenskem ozemlju, sodijo v kolektivni spomin in podzavest slovenskega naroda. Morda je v avtokratski družbi razumljivo, da želi takratna totalitarna stran še dandanes preko svojih naravnih in ideoloških potomcev počistiti s prav vsakim, ki drugače misli, zagotovo pa slednje ni sprejemljivo v demokratični in pravni družbi, ki kaj da na učinkovito varovanje človekovih pravic in temeljnih svoboščin. Ko se spominjamo obletnice osvoboditve nekdanjih nacističnih koncentracijskih taborišč in tam storjenega genocida in hudodelstev zoper človečnost je prav, da če pometamo pred tujim pragom, končno pometemo tudi domačega, saj trava ni nič bolj zelena na slovenskih tleh, kvečjemu bolj krvava in prežeta s človeškimi kostmi in izgubljenimi dušami.

Slovenska trava ni nič bolj zelena – Jernej Letnar Černič. Časnik

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31 July 2014 – Russian opposition films a video film exposing Russia’s aggression in Ukraine and shares it online.

The film is called “Putin the warmonger.” In it, the Russian opposition proves Russia’s involvement in the downing of the Boeing-777 MH17 flight in Donbas and the direct involvement of Russian President Vladimir Putin in fomenting a military conflict in Ukraine.

“Since April 2014, Ukraine is conducting an anti-terrorist operation in East Ukraine. Putin denies supporting terrorists from Russia,” says the video’s description. The opposition emphasizes that there are five facts proving that Putin is lying, and that Russian authorities instigated the military conflict in Donbas.

The Warmonger: a video by Nemtsov proving Putin’s involvement in the war in Donbas – Euromaidan Press

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VENEZUELA’S “Bolivarian” regime is lurching from authoritarianism to dictatorship. On February 19th it arrested the elected mayor of metropolitan Caracas, Antonio Ledezma. Then it moved to expel Julio Borges, a moderate opposition leader, from the National Assembly—a fate already suffered by his colleague, María Corina Machado, ejected last year. Leopoldo López, another opposition leader, has been in jail for a year and is now on trial. Almost half the opposition’s mayors now face legal action. The regime’s favourite charge to level at hostile politicians is plotting to overthrow the government, often in conspiracy with the United States. But it is the president, Nicolás Maduro, who is staging a coup against the last vestiges of democracy. Venezuelans call it an autogolpe, or “self-coup”.

Venezuela’s crackdown – A slow-motion coup – The Economist

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Moderna Grčija je postala simbol ekonomske in politične skorumpiranosti, naravni eksperiment institucionalnega propadanja. To ni lahko za posamezno državo, da služi svetu kot učbeniški primer tolikih institucionalnih pomanjkljivosti, rigidnosti, popačenj, kot so jih grške vlade uspele narediti. Primer Grčije je poučna opozorilna zgodba za vse ostale države.

(…)

Grška »zabava« s tujim denarjem je trajala 30 let in – moram priznati – resnično smo uživali v njej. Povprečni prihodek na prebivalca je dosegal 31.500 dolarjev v letu 2008, kar je bilo 25. mesto na svetovni lestvici. Tu smo bili višje od Španije in Italije in na 95 odstotkov povprečja Evropske unije. Zasebno trošenje je bilo 12 odstotkov višje kot povprečje v Evropski uniji, kar je Grčijo postavljalo na 22. mesto na lestvico razvoja humanosti in kakovosti življenja. Če ste presenečeni nad uspehom, si zapomnite, da tudi te številke močno podcenjujejo realnost, kajti grška siva in črna ekonomija naj bi dosegali 25 do 30 odstotkov grškega BDP.

(…)

Grčija je bila moralno in gospodarsko ugreznjena v blato korupcije. Za primer upoštevajmo tragikomično in zloglasno zgodbo o plavalnih bazenih v Atenah. Bazen je pokazatelj bogastva v Grčiji, tako da grški proračunski statistični servis uporablja prijavo bazenov za določanje velikosti davčne utaje. V letu 2009 je samo 364 oseb prijavilo, da imajo doma bazen. Satelitska slika pa je razkrila, da je v Atenah dejansko 16.974 bazenov pred zasebnimi hišami. To pomeni, da samo 2,1 odstotkov lastnikov bazenov pošteno izpolni davčne obrazce. Zanimivo vprašanje ni, zakaj je 97,9 odstotkov lastnikov bazenov lagalo. Temveč, zakaj jih 2,1 odstotkov ni lagalo glede na enormno razširjenost davčnih utaj v Grčiji?

Grčija kot opozorilna zgodba o socialni državi – Aristides Hatzis, Svetilnik

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In reality, women were far better represented in professional occupations in the first three decades of the 20th century than in the middle of that century. Women received a larger share of the postgraduate degrees necessary for such careers in the earlier era than in the 1950s and 1960s.

The proportion of women among the high achievers listed in Who’s Who in America in 1902 was more than double the proportion listed in 1958. The decline of women in high-level careers occurred when women’s age of marriage and child-bearing declined during the mid-century “baby boom” years.

The later rise of women began when the age of marriage and child-bearing rose again. In 1972 women again received as high a proportion of doctoral degrees as they had back in 1932.

The truth is not nearly as politically useful as scare statistics. The “gender gap” is not nearly as big as the honesty gap.

The Gender Gap Is not Nearly as Big as the Honesty Gap – Thomas Sowell, The New American

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Viel verzweifelter als die Fünfte Kolonne Moskaus in Sachsen kann man kaum sein, sollte man meinen. Der nun hier vorliegende Hilferuf richtet sich immerhin nicht an den Anführer einer fremden Macht sondern an den ehemaligen Shooting Star des Bürgertums, an einen gefallenen Engel: Guido Westerwelle.

Guido hilf! – blu-News

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The issues at the heart of European populism are principally cultural. Yet, often, many attribute the rising influence of populist parties to the upheavals and dislocation caused by the economic crisis. No doubt the economic crisis in the Eurozone did foster a climate where protest movements – of both the left and the right – could flourish. However, it is important to note that the growth of radical populist parties preceded the Eurozone crisis. Moreover, many of the right-wing, identity-based parties have been most successful in the more prosperous regions of Western Europe, such as Lombardy, Denmark. Switzerland and Flanders.

(…)

Certainly in contemporary Europe, populism has become a political style embraced by myriad, heterogeneous ideological movements. At a time when millions of Europeans feel ignored and patronised by a political elite that treats them with contempt, their embrace of populism is not at all surprising. In fact, this reaction against an arrogant elite that treats the public as its moral inferiors is, on balance, a healthy development. Populism presently serves as the principal medium for responding to the EU oligarchy’s anti-democratic style of technocratic governance.

However, populism on its own is not enough. To address the EU’s democratic deficit, what is required today is the crystallisation of the populist impulse into a political movement that might infuse the aspiration towards solidarity with the ideals of popular sovereignty, consent and an uncompromising commitment to liberty. Now that could really represent the making of a movement to shake up public life and add meaning to politics.

The EU’s culture war against the people – Frank Furedi, Spiked!

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