Nekaj opazk k migrantski krizi (II.) – kje je odločnost v odločilnem času?

Ko sem pred dvema tednoma objavil prvi del svojih opazk k t. i. migrantski krizi, sem načrtoval naslednji zapis začeti tam, kjer sem bil končal in nadaljevati z analizo vloge medijev ter širših vidikov evropske krize identitete in vprašanj migracijske politike. Ker pa se je položaj vmes korenito zaostril in Slovenija pravkar nosi glavno breme množičnega eksodusa iz bližnjega Vzhoda, gre komentar trenutni situaciji oziroma akutni politični krizi, v kateri se je bila znašla Evropska unija. Trenutek to zahteva, medtem ko bo za širše razprave brez dvoma še dovolj časa.

Kot sem izpostavil že v prejšnjem zapisu, je naravnost strašljivo, kako je migrantska kriza – ki sicer nedvomno predstavlja zelo velik izziv – do obisti razgalila klavrno stanje evropskega projekta, ki je očitno povsem zašel v slepo ulico. Ne le, da Evropska unija ne deluje, kot bi morala delovati prava unija. Danes se zdi, kot da sploh ne obstaja. Njene težave so nam bile dobro znane že prej, a najbrž si je le redko kdo mislil, da bo že malce večji sunek, ki pa ga kljub njegovi resnosti nikakor (še) ne gre obravnavati kot katastrofo, ne le zamajal evropski projekt, temveč tudi postavil pod vprašaj njegov nadaljnji razvoj.

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Nekaj opazk k migrantski krizi (I.)

V vsaki krizi se vedno skriva tudi priložnost. Priložnost za premisleke in priložnost za odločitve. Evropa in Slovenija se v zadnjih mesecih soočata s takšno krizo. V koncentrirani obliki so privrele na dan frustracije in problemi, ki so bili že dolgo tu. Pri tem je povsem jasno: kriza ni „begunska.“ Ne prinašajo je trume nesrečnikov, ki so se valile in se valijo preko balkanskega polotoka proti obljubljeni (West) Germany. Kriza je povsem avtohtona, povsem „naša“. Je to evropska kriza.

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Tematski izbor – migrantska kriza

Namesto z običajnim tedenskim izborom se po daljšem premoru vračamo z izborom zapisov, ki se tako ali drugače dotikajo t. i. migrantske krize – teme, ki zadnje mesece stoji v ospredju in se je neposredno dotaknila tudi Slovenije. V skladu z duhom pluralizma, na katerem je utemeljen naš portal, se izbrani teksti problema lotevajo iz različnih zornih kotov. Spričo njegove kompleksnosti, večplastnosti in širine smo namenoma vključili tudi premisleke, ki ne izhajajo iz konservativnih oziroma „desnih“ pozicij.

Pri izboru pa smo se držali dveh kriterijev. Prvič: zavestno smo izbrali tekste, ki so tako ali drugače odstopali od v zadnjih mesecih prevladujoče medijske naracije, ki se je pogosto nevarno približevala propagandi enoumja. Takšne torej, ki vsebuejo bodisi bolj poglobljene premisleke, bodisi originalnejše, v primeru nekaterih pa tudi provokativnejše poglede. Drugič: omejili smo se na  zapise, ki k problemu pristopajo na razumen način. Če si delno izposodimo formulacijo časopisa Domovina, to pomeni, da smo izključili radikalna stališča iz obeh strani ideološke premice – tako tista, ki v migrantih vidijo le grožnjo oziroma priročen cilj za usmerjanje gneva, kot tudi tista, ki utopično govorijo o svetu brez meja, institucionalnega reda in nadzora ter migrante pri tem izrabljajo kot priročno orodje za širjenje lastnih ideologij.

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Tedenski izbor

Today the French celebrate the 226th anniversary of the storming of the Bastille on July 14, 1789, the date usually recognized as the beginning of the French Revolution. What should libertarians (or classical liberals) think of the French Revolution?

The Chinese premier Zhou Enlai is famously (but apparently inaccurately) quoted as saying, “It is too soon to tell.” I like to draw on the wisdom of another mid-20th-century thinker, Henny Youngman, who when asked “How’s your wife?” answered, “Compared to what?” Compared to the American Revolution, the French Revolution is very disappointing to libertarians. Compared to the Russian Revolution, it looks pretty good. And it also looks good, at least in the long view, compared to the ancien regime that preceded it.

The French Revolution and Modern Liberty – David Boaz, Cato at Liberty

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Če nam ekonomija ne more napovedati, kaj se bo zgodilo, zakaj pa je potem sploh dobra?
“Ekonomija je dobra za modrost, ampak modrost bolj grobe vrste. Ekonomija daje grobe nasvete. Denimo na ravni makroekonomije, da ni dobro ustvariti takšnega poslovnega okolja, kjer bo vse nepredvidljivo. Ali pa da ne sprejemajmo delovnih zakonov, zaradi katerih je za mlade nemogoče, da bi dobili službo neverjetno, koliko ljudem to še zmeraj ni jasno. Tako pa po vsej Evropi zakoni, ki ščitijo starejše, onemogočajo mlajše. A ne nazadnje so starejši tisti, ki hodijo na volitve, mladi pa ne. Francoski klasični ekonomist Frédéric Bastiat je govoril o vidnem in o nevidnem. Naloga nas ekonomistov je, da ljudi opozarjamo na nevidno. Žal pa obstaja veliko ekonomistov, ki ekonomije ne poznajo prav dobro.”

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We have evolved a political debate where essentially nationalistic concerns have been hiding behind the gentler cloak of egalitarianism. To clear up this confusion, one recommendation would be to preface all discussions of inequality with a reminder that global inequality has been falling and that, in this regard, the world is headed in a fundamentally better direction.

Income Inequality is Not Rising Globally, It’s Falling. – Tyler Cowen, The New York Times

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The Greek crisis provides a look into what awaits us unless we stop overspending on warfare and welfare and restore a sound monetary system. While most commentators have focused on Greece’s welfare state, much of Greece’s deficit was caused by excessive military spending. Even as its economy collapses and the government makes (minor) cuts in welfare spending, Greece’s military budget remains among the largest in the European Union.

Greece Today, America Tomorrow? – Ron Paul, The Ron Paul Institute

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V Atenah sem že peti dan in priznam, še zmeraj nisem našel ta trenutek najbolj razvpitega mitološkega bitja – “lenega Grka”.

Dnevnik iz Aten: Mitološko bitje – leni Grk – Jure Stojan, Večer

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Poverty-Porn is the tactic of media and charities that uses sympathy as a catalyst for monetary gain, exploiting the poor and uneducated, to showcase desperate conditions for an emotional response. And while the tactic may be effective at heightening profits—by misrepresenting an entire continent as slum—the fate of an entire continent is stamped with pity. What this means is that outside of Africa, Africans are expected to look up.

Africans are fighting media poverty-porn by tweeting beautiful images of their real lives – Tyler Fyfe, The Plaid Zebra

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Interest rates that once were high and promised stable, good future returns tumble down and stop very close to the zero mark. The rate of inflation, which is being used to show how much more expensive daily life will be in the future, is at the moment even higher than average bank account interest rates. In Germany in February 2015 the average inflation rate was 2,2 %, while interest rates were only a measly 0,8 %. This basically means that your bank money is not going generate enough returns to compensate for the rising costs of living.

How the EU punishes savers – Fabian Sauter, European Students for Liberty

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Those who love liberty and economic growth and opportunity have been for many years seeking private solutions to get around the abuses by government of its monopoly money. The most promising technology for the individual to free himself from the government monetary shackles has been the development of bitcoin, which allows largely anonymous transactions from peer to peer, without going through the banking system. Those in government hate the idea of bitcoin and its newer competitors because it largely destroys their global power to monitor and extract tribute from transfers of goods and services, and wealth.

Immutable money – Richard W. Rahn, The Washington Times

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Interestingly, Mussolini found much of John Maynard Keynes’seconomic theories consistent with fascism, writing: “Fascism entirely agrees with Mr. Maynard Keynes, despite the latter’s prominent position as a Liberal. In fact, Mr. Keynes’ excellent little book, The End of Laissez-Faire (l926) might, so far as it goes, serve as a useful introduction to fascist economics. There is scarcely anything to object to in it and there is much to applaud.”

The Socialist Economics of Italian Fascism – Lawrence K. Samuels, Library of Economics and Liberty

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Since the post-World War II era, movement conservatives have focused so much on an intrusive state that they have overlooked the other side of the coin. Early twentieth-century Catholic thinkers such as G.K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc clearly recognized the danger to mediating institutions such as the church and the family posed by the intrusions of both the state and vast impersonal corporations.

Corporate America: A Friend of the Family? – Gillis Harp, Crisis Magazine

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Until the Second World War, Russia had never really managed to dominate the area behind the Carpathian Mountains. Thus aside from the Cold War period it is difficult to find much in common among the Visegrad nations in their historical experience with Russia. Clearly the S4 format, with its common Habsburgian past, could serve as a potential integrating factor, especially taking into account that Austria has long ago ceased to be an imperial power.

What Makes the Visegrad Group so Geopolitically Fragile? – Adam Klus, New Eastern Europe

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Mnogi bi sicer trdili, da je Slovenija še premalo centralizirana, saj v njej deluje nepregledno število občin, ki upravljajo z denarjem in območjem brez kakršnekoli kontrole. To, da imajo občine v Sloveniji pri marsičem daleč prevelika pooblastila – predvsem na področju prostorske politike –, je jasno. Vendar je reševanje tega problema s še večjo državno centralizacijo popolnoma napačen pristop. Dejstvo je namreč, da sta trenutna oblika in funkcija občin ravno posledica centralizacije.

Živeti tam nekje – Miha Kosovel, Novi glas

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Danes vsako omenjanje razlik med posamezniki, narodi, rasami, kulturami velja za politično nekorektno. V bistvu gre za hinavščino, kamufliranje resničnosti, siromašenje jezika in s tem tudi misli. Zakaj beseda belec ni žaljiva, črnec pa je? Črnec, ki ga v ZDA imenujejo z menda politično nevtralno besedo Afroameričan, ni zato nič manj črn in segregiran. Da je paradoks še večji, ima za mnoge beseda Afroameričan isti pomen kot črnec.

Teror politične korektnosti – Jožica Grgič, Delo

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Es sind nicht viele Studenten, die den Mut aufbringen, das zu hinterfragen, was ihre Dozenten als herrschende Lehre vorsetzen, wo eigentlich Freiheit der Lehre herrschen soll. Nicht nur an der TU Berlin auch an anderen Universitäten wollen Lehrkräfte ihren Studenten Gendern als Doktrin verordnen.

Studenten dürfen nicht zum Gendern gezwungen werden – Die Freie Welt

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Ko mi danes kak anketar natrosi, da so študentje in izobraženci večinoma levo (beri: neo-marksistično) usmerjeni, ter namiguje, da je leva opcija tista prava, že zato, ker ima intelektualce na svoji strani, se kot kak balkanski čiča namrdnem in rečem: „Ima pametnih, ima glupih, a ima i intelektualaca.“

Marksizem ali razkošje, da me ni (več) zraven – Branko Cestnik, Časnik

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Professional race hustlers have no incentive to see our current civil war end. They see in this shooting only an opportunity to escalate their demands.

Now there are rumblings of demands that statues of Robert E. Lee and other Southern leaders be destroyed — and if that is done, it will only lead to new demands, perhaps to destroy the Jefferson Memorial because Thomas Jefferson owned slaves. And if that is done, no doubt there will be demands that the city of Washington be renamed, for the same reason.

Is the Civil War Over? – Thomas Sowell, The New American

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Barks created a wealth of economic lessons through fables that are still enjoyed around the globe today.

(…)

Donald and the rest of the country quit their jobs and set off to “see the world.” Meanwhile, Scrooge and the boys continue to labor on their farm. With no one else working and nothing being produced, Donald and the rest of the world come straggling back. Scrooge is happy to feed them — at new market prices. Eggs are a million dollars apiece, cabbage is two million, and ham is a bargain at a cool trillion. With each purchase, the money from Scrooge’s corn crib trickles back and he becomes, yet again, the richest duck in the world.

With another “helicopter” scenario, we see the inflationary effects of a massive injection of money. We also get a glimpse into many aspects of wealth — how it is created, how it is maintained, and what happens when we redistribute in ways that are not related to market performance. Barks knew he was creating a morality tale of capitalism, admitting, “I’m sure the lesson I preached in this story of easy riches will get me in a cell in a Siberian gulag someday.”

Lessons from the Richest Duck in the World – Robert Anthony Peters, the Freeman

Tedenski izbor

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Like Haidt, Girard observes that ideology becomes a source of tribal identity, but at its most extreme it becomes increasingly dependent not on the principles that it espouses but on the psychological kinetics of its adversarial relationship to its rivals. Positive philosophy gives way to the need to feed on rivalry as a source of meaning. This is why extremist ideologies tend to be built upon fabulist views of a possible future: the more spectacular the vision, the more unreachable the goal, the more immersive the cause.

(…)

In the penultimate chapter of The Righteous Mind, Haidt shares with the reader the disorienting moment when he realized conservatism wasn’t so backward and parochial after all:

»As a lifelong liberal, I had assumed that conservatism = orthodoxy = religion = faith = rejection of science. It followed, therefore that as an atheist and a scientist, I was obligated to be a liberal. But Muller asserted that modern conservatism is really about creating the best possible society, the one that brings about the greatest happiness given local circumstances«

Why Secular Liberalism Isn’t Liberal – Forfare Davis, The University Bookman

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Tedenski izbor


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“I wouldn’t call myself a conservative, but neither would I own to liberal. I’ll take just plain old “Catholic,” thanks” – writes with the following thought experiment:

Imagine a gay male couple who have been together for 20 years. They live nearby. You know them well, having a friendly non-political neighborly relationship. You borrow the odd egg, watch each other’s pets when somebody is on vacation, maybe chat at the annual 4th of July party. You are an orthodox Christian who runs a bakery business. Now apply the following scenarios:

A) One of the gay guys has a birthday. His partner asks you to bake the cake. Would you?

B) One of the gay guys dies. His partner asks you to bake the cake for the reception after the funeral. Would you?

C) Marriage is suddenly legalized in your state. They marry and ask you to bake the cake. Would you?

Seems to me that if the answer is no, no, and no, then you ought to examine yourself for homophobia.

But if the answer is yes, yes and no – that’s my answer – then you are arguably simply being principled. I can say “yes” to A and B because I can honor their friendship and loyalty to each other, their faithful service to each other over years. However, I say “no” to C because marriage is not an institution that can be defined entirely in terms of affection, loyalty and service. Or even eros or heartfelt private romantic feelings. Marriage includes all those things, but it exists is a social institution because the fertility of male and female potentially creates uniquely public consequences (children).

The left disputes my premise for saying no to C. Fine, let’s have that debate. People of goodwill can disagree.

But we are not even allowed to have that debate. My side’s case is dismissed by the liberal elite because they think people like me are haters.

Given that I want to say yes to situations A and B, I think it’s demonstrable that I’m not a hater or homophobe. I am not frightened of gay people and I do not hate them. I just do not think that what they are doing is marriage, and I think calling what they’re doing “marriage” will obscure what marriage is.

Cake and Cosmology – Rod Dreher, The American Conservative

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The only clear biblical meta-narrative is about male and female. Sex is an area of Jewish law that Jesus explicitly makes stricter. What we now call the “traditional” view of sexuality was a then-radical idea separating the early church from Roman culture, and it’s remained basic in every branch of Christianity until very recently. Jettisoning it requires repudiating scripture, history and tradition (…)

I take a different view of what they could have known. But yes, the evidence that homosexuality isn’t chosen — along with basic humanity — should inspire repentance for cruelties visited on gay people by their churches. But at Christianity’s bedrock is the idea that we are all in the grip of an unchosen condition, an “original” problem that our wills alone cannot overcome. So homosexuality’s deep origin is not a trump card against Christian teaching.

Interview With a Christian – Ross Douthat, The New York Times

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I was raised by a lesbian couple and had to build bridges to my estranged father in my late twenties. Much of the connection to my father and the benefits of growing up with him were irreparably lost by the time I was a grown man—but at least, I knew who my father was and where to find him. I could salvage my ancestry.

A new generation of children will not even have that consolation I had. Conceived in loveless fertility clinics, gestated in the wombs of women they will never meet, trafficked from poor biological families with the help of complicit governments, “adopted” through a social services system corrupted by money and political pressure, or torn from their birth parents by family court judges who are desperate to please the gay lobby, the new generation of children will be far worse off than I was.

When the debate over gay marriage has receded, when their gay guardians are dead and buried, when the world has moved on, these children will still never be able to recover their heritage.

After Indiana, Gay-Marriage Supporters Should Look in the Mirror – Robert Oscar Lopez, Ethika Politika

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Tedenski izbor

 

Moj sogovornik ima prav in hkrati ne. Prav ima po mojem mnenju zato: narobe je, da ima redno zaposleni profesor hkrati tudi podjetje. Kajti tudi zato, ker je profesor, ima ime, infrastrukturo ter še kaj, kar mu omogoča, da svoje storitve sploh ponuja. Če ne bi bil profesor, bi svoje storitve težje prodal in zato je edino logično, da je tudi njegov zaposlovalec udeležen pri teh prihodkih. In logično je tudi, da fakulteta želi tržiti svoje storitve in da svoje zaposlene za dodatno delo tudi dodatno plača. Če redno zaposleni profesor oceni, da bi svoje storitve lahko prodajal tudi brez redne zaposlitve na fakulteti, naj odpove delovno razmerje, naj se trži, in tudi fakulteti naj za svoje raziskave in predavanja zaračuna kot podjetnik. In fakulteta bo presodila, kdaj ga potrebuje. Biti redno zaposlen in hkrati izdajati fakture prek svojega podjetja po mojem mnenju ni etično – torej tudi profesor Miro Cerar ni bil etičen -, vse dokler ni postal predsednik vlade.

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Pri nas trga »ni«, ker je »vse« državno. In dokler bo to tako, za kar so zaslužni predvsem profesorji-politiki-nadzorniki-honoriranci, bo na seznamu sramote tudi kdo, ki svoje znanje prek fakultete trži samo Franckam, d. o. o. Žal.

Honorarji in etika Mira Cerarja – Peter Frankl, Finance

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Delu politikov, ki so sprožili zadnjo akcijo, ni šlo samo za to, da istospolnim izboljšajo pravni položaj, ker o tem se je v celoti strinjala tudi desna politika. Tudi jim ni šlo za to, da ti pridobijo nekaj svetega, ker niti ne vejo, kaj je to in kaj bi s tem počeli.

Šlo jim je tudi za to, da nekomu nekaj svetega vzamejo. Za nalašč. Ker lahko. Ker tega ne razumejo, so pa vseeno nevoščljivi tistim, ki razumemo. Kot otrok, ki iz zavisti z veseljem polomi igračo vrstniku. Na tej točki pa je zmerna levica, ki bi se iz Viča rada preselila v Center, naredila napako in jim pritegnila.

(…)

Med tem, ko se bodo medijsko po prsih trkali tisti, katerih največji dosežek v življenju je, da so heteroseksualno spolno usmerjeni in tisti, katerih dosežek je, da se napredno zavzemajo za politično oportune manjšine, bo referendum odlična dimna zavese za rabote na DUTB, SDH in drugod. Mogoče je pa center kost v glodanje vrgel prav zato.

Razumeti sveto in svetno – primer družinske zveze – Žiga Turk, Časnik

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Tedenski izbor

 

 

Odločili so se, da za pomorjenimi izbrišejo vsako sled. Poznamo dokumente zveznega in republiškega nivoja, ki govorijo o tem, da grobovi nikakor ne smejo obstajati. Ljudje in grobovi morajo izginiti iz spomina javnosti. To je trajalo do demokratičnih sprememb v Sloveniji leta 1990, do določene mere pa celo še danes. Seveda se je v Sloveniji o njih nekaj govorilo, zlasti ko je bil leta 1975 objavljen intervju Borisa Pahorja z Edvardom Kocbekom v reviji Zaliv, pa esej Spomenke Hribar Krivda in greh leta 1983 ter zlasti po spravni slovesnosti v Kočevskem rogu leta 1990. Letos bo od te slovesnosti minilo 25 let, ko smo Slovenci mislili, da bomo to travmatično točko slovenske zgodovine lahko zaključili, da bomo pokopali mrtve in označili njihove grobove, a se to na žalost ni zgodilo. Če lahko razumem, da je to skrivanje v času socializma trajalo 45 let, pa težko razumem, da je že 25 let, odkar imamo demokratično ureditev, a imamo le malo pokazati glede označevanja grobov in pokopa žrtev. Njihovi svojci zdaj z bolečino v srcu zapuščajo ta svet, saj so upali, da bodo v novi slovenski državi izvedeli, kje ležijo njihovi domači in kje jim lahko prižgejo svečo.

Huda jama je bila prehuda, po državi še vedno stotine neoznačenih grobišč – Mitja Ferenc za MMC RTV Slovenija

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Nekaj je hudo narobe z družbo, ki ne želi pokopati svojih mrtvih, jim postaviti spominske centre in državna obeležja, kaj šele, da bi preganjala odgovorne za njihovo smrt. Vsi, ki so kdaj umrli oziroma bili pokončani na slovenskem ozemlju, sodijo v kolektivni spomin in podzavest slovenskega naroda. Morda je v avtokratski družbi razumljivo, da želi takratna totalitarna stran še dandanes preko svojih naravnih in ideoloških potomcev počistiti s prav vsakim, ki drugače misli, zagotovo pa slednje ni sprejemljivo v demokratični in pravni družbi, ki kaj da na učinkovito varovanje človekovih pravic in temeljnih svoboščin. Ko se spominjamo obletnice osvoboditve nekdanjih nacističnih koncentracijskih taborišč in tam storjenega genocida in hudodelstev zoper človečnost je prav, da če pometamo pred tujim pragom, končno pometemo tudi domačega, saj trava ni nič bolj zelena na slovenskih tleh, kvečjemu bolj krvava in prežeta s človeškimi kostmi in izgubljenimi dušami.

Slovenska trava ni nič bolj zelena – Jernej Letnar Černič. Časnik

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Tedenski izbor

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Ali, dragi levičarji, razumete perverzijo, ki se dogaja na Mladini? Ta tednik ni proti privatizaciji, ker sovraži Janšo, ni proti privatizaciji zato, ker so partizani umirali za našo svobodo in slovenski jezik, niti ni proti privatizaciji, ker ne prenese kapitalizma, proti je zaradi tega, ker je proti njihov lastnik, politično upravljani zmazek, imenovan NLB! S tega vidika je enačba Mladina = politično upravljana NLB = interesne skupine, ki so penetrirale v vlado, najlepši model za opisovanje motivov Mladine.

Kako kazino kapitalizem hrani Mladino – Kizo, Portal Plus

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Oblast govori o reševanju krize, hkrati pa zaradi socialnega miru marginalizira in v tujino izganja sodobnemu svetu najbolje prilagojen del prebivalstva.

Namesto da smo “mladi” in naivno čakamo, da se “postaramo” – ali pa pristanemo na izgon možganov – se že enkrat opredelimo in politično organizirajmo kot generacija. In sporočimo – dovolj, tudi mi si zaslužimo enake priložnosti. Zaslužimo in izboriti si moramo generacijsko neodvisnost; torej sposobnost sprejemanja lastnih odločitev kot posledice vsaj približne premoženjske neodvisnosti. Naša moralna odgovornost v prvi vrsti ni in ne sme biti do staršev in starih staršev, ampak do lastnih partnerjev in – morda ravno zaradi katastrofalne socialne situacije nerojenih in zato povsem neupoštevanih – otrok. Socialna država je super; ampak veljati mora v istih ključnih točkah za vse, ali pa je ni.

Odj**ite že s temi mladimi – Davor Hafnar, Torek ob petih

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Geopolitika velesilaka ali kaj Rusijo legitimira kot globalno silo

V zadnjem času, predvsem od ukrajinske krize sem, Ruska federacija ne skriva več svoje ambicije, da bi – kot pravijo – ponovno postala pomemben globalen center moči. Tako kot njen predsednik na fotografijah v ruskih Janah in Lady-jih, tako tudi njegova država nerada izgubi trenutka, da ne bi kazala svojih mišic celotnemu svetu.

Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is

Seveda bi se to moralo vsakemu povprečnemu umnemu prebivalcu naše zemlje zdeti zelo infantilno in žal tudi nevarno. Vendar ne. Mnogim posameznikom in skupinam širom našega globa, od ZDA pa vse do male državice na razporku med Balkanom in Mediteranom, se zdi takšen razvoj dogodkov povsem upravičen. Svet naj bi bil sestavljen na več pomembnih vplivnih sfer – tem pravijo velesile – okoli katerih naj bi gravitirale preostale države. Temu pojavu pravijo geopolitika.

Zdaj, jaz iskreno tega izrazoslovja ne razumem – sem pač fantič iz province provincialne države. Razumem seveda, kaj pomeni vpliv, kaj pomeni moč, kaj ugled, kaj slava. Ni mi pa povsem jasno, zakaj nekim državam to kar tako pripada. Ker države namreč niso kot monarhi, ki se kar rodijo z legitimno oblastjo, morajo to, da se imajo za velesilo, nekako upravičiti. V naslednjih vrsticah bom tako poskušal premisliti, zakaj bi lahko Rusija bila do te oznake upravičena in pripoznana tako od bližnjih, ki naj bi gravitirale v njeni interesni sferi, kot od drugih velesil in držav, ki živijo gravitirajoč na druga gravitacijska polja.

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