Tedenski izbor

branje8

Ne more pa gospodarski liberalizem biti udarna točka programa NSi, njihova naslovna zgodba, pozicijski slogan, jedro prepoznavnosti, edinstvena primerjalna prednost (…). Ker to nikakor ni zgodba večinskega potencialnega volivca NSi. Čeprav kakšen nadobuden strankin funkcionar, ki je pravkar odkril eleganco liberalne ekonomske misli, zdaj meni, da ga morajo zato kar naenkrat imeti radi vsi njegovi potencialni volivci. Ki jim v večini primerov za eleganco liberalne misli bolj ali manj visi dol.

(…)

Po vsebini pa mora NSi svoj liberalizem postaviti nekoliko v ozadje in postati, če želite, žlahtna konservativna stranka. Nikar, prosim, ne dovolite, da bi vam asociacija na Kučana za vedno onečedila to lepo besedno zvezo. Raje si tule preberite, kaj naj bi to zares pomenilo: www.kirkcenter.org.

NSi se mora dovolj jasno profilirati, da bo prva izbira za vse krščansko usmerjene volivce, tako tiste, ki bolj stavijo na tekmovalnost in meritokracijo, kot tiste, ki bi v ospredje prej postavili sožitje in solidarnost. Tudi kakšen krščanski socialist se mora prej najti pri njih kot pri kakšni naslednici Zveze komunistov ali pri kakšni skrajni novolevičarski združbi tipa Luka Mesec. Tudi vsem tistim kristjanom, ki so se ob vsaki priložnosti pripravljeni pridušati čez pohlep, sodobni materializem in brezdušni kapitalizem, mora znati pokazati, da ni pravi odgovor zatekanje h karšnemkoli kolektivizmu in centalnoplanskemu etatizmu.

Slovenska krščansko-liberalna stranka? Hm. – Blaž Vodopivec, Finance

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Desetletje, v katerem se je zgodila finančna, gospodarska in socialna kriza, ko je država zdrknila na obrobje EU, smo se novinarji, politiki, sodniki in odvetniki ukvarjali s Patrio. Medtem ko so druge države iskale poti, kako iz krize, smo mi bojevali versko vojno med dvema religijama, med verniki v “kriv je” in verniki v “ni kriv”.

Proces Patria je samo zgovoren dokaz, da nam je tranzicijska povzpetniška elita ukradla državo, ki je ni sposobna voditi. Tako kot osemletni otrok ni sposoben voziti avtomobila, ker je pač premajhen, nevaren sebi, sopotnikom in drugim udeležencem v prometu, tako naša tranzicijska elita ni sposobna upravljati države v korist in blaginjo vseh državljanov. Ne zmrdujte se nad Hrvati, ki kupujejo naša podjetja, to je za nas sreča, naši politiki jih uničujejo.

Ostaja zgolj vprašanje, ali smo se iz Patrie morda le kaj naučili. Odziv Luke Mesca, da je ustavno sodišče spet pristransko, kaže na to, da se tudi tranzicijski podmladek sploh noče nič naučiti.

Luzerji – Uroš Urbas, Siol.net

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Tedenski izbor

branje7

Problem “Grosupeljčanov” je, da so v manjšini. Čeprav bo del desne politične javnosti to razumel kot krivico, je vendarle jasno, da bo na naslednjih volitvah — zaradi nesposobnosti vlade morda predčasnih — spet zmagal Nejanez Nejanša. Kdorkoli že bo nasledil Cerarja kot vodilni politik levice in glavni izzivalec predsednika SDS.
Zato je tudi vlada v senci, ki so si jo zamislili v največji opozicijski stranki SDS, projekt, obsojen na volilni poraz — košarica Nove Slovenije pa razumljiva.Če bi hotela desnica resno ogroziti večno vladavino levice, bi projekt morala zastaviti širše. Povabiti bi morala neodvisne strokovnjake, nekdanje mladoekonomiste in zdrava jedra Državljanske liste in SLS in tako zasesti kar največji prostor na desni sredini. Šele tako bi volilcem ponudili nekaj novega, ne samo že videnega in doživetega v letih 2004 in 2011.

Če niso chemtrailsi, je pa Janša – Domen Uršič, FokusPokus

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Janez Janša in slovensko politično manihejstvo

jansa

Iz zapora je bil spuščen vodja slovenske opozicije Janez Janša. Glede na dejstvo, da je Janša tisti politik, ki najmočneje buri duhove slovenske javnosti, so bili tudi odzivi na ta dogodek silni in pogojeni z močnim čustvovanjem. Na eni strani smo tako videli evforijo, veselje, saj se je iz zapora vrnil človek, ki v očeh tega dela javnosti predstavlja že skorajda religiozno figuro. Od mučenika za demokracijo in slovenstvo do odrešenika Slovenije, saj naj bi zgolj on imel »moč« ali pa celo »dar« za odrešitev Slovenije pred pogubo, v katero naj bi jo vodili ostanki socializma in komunizma.

Po drugi strani pa je Janša izrazito temačna figura. Ne odrešenik, temveč skušnjavec. Tisti, ki pelje slovenski narod nazaj v mračnjaštvo, v avtoritarizem, klerikalizem, ruralno zaprtost ipd. Tako lahko z minimalnim pretiravanjem rečemo, da je Janša postal alfa in omega slovenskega političnega življenja. Odnos do njega oziroma njegove podobe je tista točka, ki usodno zaznamuje pozicijo vsake politične opcije ali celo posameznikove politične identitete.

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Tedenski izbor

FolioCarols

Če nič od tega ne bo razkritega, pričakujemo vsaj en pošten medijski umor Bojana Petana. Saj veste, Dnevnik je v tej panogi v samem svetovnem vrhu. Dajte jim Dalajlamo pa kak teden dni časa in iz njega bodo naredili mešanico Al Capona, Radovana Karadžića ter Bernarda Madoffa. Njihova prepričljivost, angažiranost in posvečenost medijskim umorom je tako iskrena in silna, da jim je za to res potrebno dati posebno priznanje. Nobena novica za Dnevnik ni tako pozitivna, da iz nje ne bi mogli narediti negativnega spina in nobena informacija ni tako kredibilna, da je ne bi mogli popolnoma relativizirati. Zato vas, sužnje Petana, najlepše prosim, da raztrgate svoje okove in temu trpečemu narodu omogočite vsaj en pošten (čeprav ojdipovski) resničnostni šov letos, in sicer “Dnevnik uniči svojega gospodarja”.

Končno! Vukovićeva in Ranka bosta v Dnevniku raztrgali lastnika Petana! – Kizo, Portal Plus

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By running on a single issue, anticorruption candidates often avoid taking positions on the long list of problems their countries face: stagnant economies, a need for foreign investment, a lackluster civil service. And getting things done often requires knowing how to deal with the people and practices of a corrupt system.

In Slovenia, for instance, Cerar has already faced two serious obstacles in his fight to eliminate corruption. First, many of his nominees to high positions in his new government come from the political establishment he campaigned against. This raises serious doubts about the credibility of Cerar’s electoral promises. Second, a majority of legal institutions continue to do a poor job of upholding the rule of law. The Slovenian judiciary, for example, remains among the least trusted institutions in Slovenia. In a recent high-profile case, the Ljubljana county court sentenced Janez Jansa, the leader of the main opposition party, to two years in prison for accepting bribes in a public procurement case. According to a former justice of the country’s constitutional court, the case was based on insufficient, largely circumstantial evidence. But with the backing of Cerar’s own party, Jansa was also stripped of his seat in parliament, underscoring the political nature of the prosecution and suggesting that Cerar might not be as independent as voters believed him to be.

Put simply, eliminating corruption is difficult, if not nearly impossible—especially from the outside. Yet eastern Europeans hope for deliverance. In Romania, Slovenia, and Ukraine, a silent majority has rejected right-wing nationalists in favor of unassuming, pro-European reformers. Liberal-minded parties throughout eastern Europe should take note and seek renewal themselves, drawing to their ranks antiestablishment outsiders with moral backbone.

 The Eastern European Spring. Voters Tilt Toward Pro-EU, Anti-Corruption Candidates – Mitchell A. Orenstein, Bojan Bugarič, Foreign Affairs

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Tedenski izbor

calvarlist

 

Moraliziranje ima tako na moralizirajočega posameznika nasprotne učinke od pričakovanih. Je kontraproduktivno. Bolj, kot si pripovedujem, kako moralen in integriteten da sem, bolj se bom v to zaciklano prepričal, manj bom tako ravnal. In, ko mi bo okolica nastavila, kot se spodobi, ogledalo, ga bom razbil, ker mi ne bo všeč podoba v njem. Pa čeprav, kot je najbrž vsem jasno, ni in ne more biti krivo ogledalo, ampak le tisti, ki se v njem ogleduje.

Še slabše pa se nam godi, ko moraliziranje z nivoja posameznika potegnemo na raven javnega diskurza in ga celo spremenimo v njegovo paradigmo kot merilo javnega ravnanja. To lahko sproži dve, po svoje znova paradoksalni, reakciji: popolno relativizacijo standardov ravnanja in zavestno, sistematično zavračanje kakršnekoli odgovornosti za svoja javna ravnanja.

Konec moraliziranja – Matej Avbelj, Ius Info

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In tako se je še enkrat izkazalo, da je poglavitni smisel Zavoda Republike Slovenije za zaposlovanje ta, da nudi delovna mesta uradnikom, ki so tam zaposleni. Včasih se vprašam, zakaj skoraj nobeno svetovanje, ukrep, mehanizem, spodbuda ali delavnica ne služi svojemu dejanskemu namenu, marveč samo kot krmilo za občutek, da nekje neka vladna služba nekaj počenja. Pogosto se vprašam, kaj bi veljalo storiti, da bi bilo drugače. Odgovore še čakam.

Kraj, kjer se končajo sanje – Katja Perat, Delo

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In our day, prejudice against gays is just a very faint shadow of what it once was. But the abolition of prejudice against gays does not necessarily mean that same-sex marriage is inevitable or optimal. There are other avenues available, none of which demands immediate, sweeping, transformational legislation or court judgements.

We are in the middle of a fierce battle that is no longer about rights. It is about a single word, “marriage.”

Two men or two women together is, in truth, nothing like a man and a woman creating a life and a family together. Same-sex relationships are certainly very legitimate, rewarding pursuits, leading to happiness for many, but they are wholly different in experience and nature.

Gay and lesbian activists, and more importantly, the progressives urging them on, seek to redefine marriage in order to achieve an ideological agenda that ultimately seeks to undefine families as nothing more than one of an array of equally desirable “social units,” and thus open the door to the increase of government’s role in our lives.

I’m Gay and I Oppose Same-Sex Marriage – Doug Mainwaring, Public Discourse

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In recent years, progressive politics has been known for its pursuit of social change in the moral realm, with LGBTQ causes at the forefront of its crusade. But the poor have been left behind. In ironic fact, progressives have given up equality for the sake of also giving up virtue.

With old-fashioned virtue, there might be a chance at equality. But “progress” has been determined to consist in the final dismantling of all moral structures that once lent backbone to the demands of the virtuous poor. Without meaningful work, there can be no working class. Another way of saying this is that without the kind of work that imparts a working-class identity, the working class can have no class-consciousness.

People need work. The poor—and all of us—are made virtuous in part by the need to labor; to struggle, not with one another in the sense of “class struggle,” but with our bodies and within our souls; to practice the virtues of diligence and self-denial; to have something to show for ourselves. If the “virtuous poor” are virtuous, it is because work has made them so. Take away work, and you take away humanity. That goes for the elite, too.

Are We Proving Marx Right? – The Hipster Conservative

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The current trends in America, Wall Street getting richer, everyone else getting poorer, politicians of both parties feeding brazenly at Wall Street’s trough, the party of the Left in full blown attack gear not on inequality, which it has done nothing to address, but picking at and rubbing raw the scabs of identity politics—this can’t keep going on indefinitely without something really bad happening.

Abandoned by the Left – Scott McConnell, The American Conservative

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Increasingly the divides in American life are not between those who defend equality of opportunity versus those who demand equality of result, as Nisbet argued. Rather they are between whether freedom and voluntary association on a more local level can win out over coercion and bureaucracy at an ever more distant national level. Kunkel’s desire for sustainable production by worker-owned businesses and grassroots democratic decision-making seems to envision a new kind of politics, more local and left-libertarian in nature, that transcends easy categorization. And if there is a genuine mood rising among Americans, particularly the young, toward a return to smallness and democratic self-control throughout American society, then the argument now should revolve around means.

What’s Left After Marx – Matthew Hartwood, The American Conservative

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Conservatives should embrace him /Foucault/ and his work. From a conservative perspective, the great thing about Foucault’s writing is that it is more plastic than Marx, and far less economically subversive. Academics rooted in Foucauldian thought are far more compatible with neoliberalism than the old Marxist academics.

In some ways, Zamora’s book is an effort by some on the left to try to “discipline” Foucault’s flirtation with the right. It will be interesting to see the academic left’s response to the book. But Zamora also reveals why free-marketeers might want to give Foucault another read and not just dismiss him with the “post-modern” epithet.

Why Michel Foucault is the libertarian’s best friend – Daniel W. Dresner, The Washington Post

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Given Chesterton and Burke, there exists a liberalism consistent with right reason and revelation. Extension of economic and political liberalism into all-encompassing worldviews would be an American heresy. But one can take them to be prudent means—of negative liberty for the sake of trade and civic liberties under the rule of law—when rightly ordered toward proper ends known by natural reason and revelation. As Chesterton writes in What I Saw in America: “The unconscious democracy of America is a very fine thing. It is a true and deep and instinctive assumption of the equality of citizens, which even voting and elections have not destroyed.”

Different Kinds of Liberalism – Ryan Schinkel, Ethika Politika

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Havlu je Srednja Evropa je omogočala vizijo neke drugačne, demokratične Češke (oziroma Češkoslovaške). Njegova osebnost je bila zato tudi za druge srednjeevropske države monumentalnega pomena. Na prvi pogled se morda res zdi, da je ideja o Srednji Evropi nek romantičen in nostalgičen pojem, ki se navzven lepo sliši, znotraj pa je votel. Ali kot piše Jančar: »Kaj nas resnično druži v srednjeevropskem prostoru, je precej nedorečeno. Zdaj se naenkrat kaže, da nas je bolj združeval odpor do njegove razdeljenosti kot pa sorodna kulturna vprašanja.« Svobodna demokratična družba, pluralizem, spoštovanje temeljnih človekovih pravic, odprtost in prevzemanje odgovornosti pa vendarle ostajajo nekatere skupne vrednote srednjeevropskega prostora, ki povezujejo, če že ne vladajoče strukture, pa predvsem ljudi, ki živijo na tem prostoru. To pa so prav vrednote, ki jih pooseblja Havlovo življenje.

Srednja Evropa Václava Havla – Jernej Letnar Černič, Razpotja

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Ne glede na dejanske in objektivno ugotovljive razloge za kršitve in napake, ki so se zgodile v sodni kalvariji, znani kot afera Patria, se bo za dobršen del prebivalstva ta zgodba kazala kot zadnja etapa te izključevalne prakse.
Posledice bodo vsaj dvojne.

Prvič, Janševi podporniki bodo za kršitve človekovih pravic v zadevi Patria klicali na odgovornost ne le dejanskih in objektivnih krivcev, temveč celotni slovenski mainstream; to se pravi vse tiste, ki ne spadajo v njihov krog.

Drugič: če živiš v okolju, kjer ti še pri najbolj očitnih in eklatantnih kršitvah tvojih osnovnih pravic na pomoč priskočijo skoraj izključno le podporniki in kjer se politična kritika takoj pretvori v podporo politični izločitvi, potem je logično, da lahko računaš le na podpornike. In če lahko računaš le na podpornike in če od tistih, ki ne spadajo mednje, ne moreš pričakovati niti osnovne državljanske in človeške empatije, potem je logično, da postane lojalnost glavni, celo edini kriterij selekcije.

Družba, ki se začne organizirati po teh principih – ki so, povejmo jasno, principi klanovstva –, se začenja nevarno oddaljevati od razmer demokratičnega sobivanja.

Kako je Janez Janša postal državni sovražnik številka ena – Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Planet Siol.net

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As these examples of democratic regression into various forms of ‘illiberal democracy’ in Central and Eastern Europe show, democratic consolidation is still far from complete. The most disturbing detail is the vulnerability of ‘consolidated democracies’ such as Hungary or Slovenia to ‘democratic regression’, which reminds us that democracies are inherently unable of being ‘definitely established’. While significant progress in the development of ‘electoral democracy’ in the region has been achieved, ‘liberal democracy’ still remains fragile and weak. Moreover, the legal institutions of liberal democracy in Central and Eastern European countries significantly differ from those of their Western European counterparts. Behind a façade of harmonised legal rules transposed from various EU legal sources, several cracks have begun to appear, exposing the fragility of constitutional democracy in these countries.

As a consequence, Central and Eastern European countries are once again displaying certain features of “lands in between” which call attention to their constantly precarious and indeterminate location on the political map of Europe. Zwischen-Europa, as some interwar German writers called it, lies in the territory between the West and the Russian East and is said to have been the “unfinished part of Europe” for most of the 20th century. Its political and legal institutions were similarly “caught” in between the democratic West and the authoritarian East.

Academics should be careful not to exaggerate the progress made by Central and Eastern Europe since the fall of the Berlin Wall – Ivan T. Berend, Bojan Bugarič, LSE Blog

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Skeptics have been planning the EU’s funeral for decades, but time and again, the union has refused to die. During the EU’s latest and most profound crisis, national governments once more chose to reaffirm and deepen their commitments. This rapid growth of EU power, however, has given rise to a number of misguided and counterproductive policies that have undercut public support and left the EU in a deep malaise. European citizens today largely ignore the EU’s many achievements or take them for granted, instead equating the organization with economic pain and feckless leadership. The union endures, but it has lost its mojo.

The EU has worn out its default strategy of muddling through crises. Lurching from one calamity to the next has damaged the credibility of Brussels and national governments alike. It is time for a bold and far-reaching agenda. To see a Europe truly reborn and fit for the twenty-first century, EU leaders must reassert with confidence—on the economy, on security, and on democracy—that Europe is stronger when it stands united.

Europe Reborn. How to Save the European Union from Irrelevance – Matthias Matthijs & R. Daniel Kelemen, Foreign Affairs

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Narodno identiteto bomo zgubili zaradi ležernosti, neaktivnosti, ne-ljubezni do domovine, ne pa zato, ker bi v stiski priskočili na pomoč ljudem, ki nas potrebujejo. Najlažje je ljubiti svoje. A Kristus nas poziva, da ljubimo tujce. »Tujec sem bil in ste me sprejeli.« (Mt 25, 35).

Če že ne moremo začeti ljubiti, ker smo to najčistejše čustvo umazali in pocukrali, se sklicujmo vsaj na pravičnost in mir.

Tujec sem bil in me niste sprejeli – Irena Vadnjal, Časnik

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During the Korean War, alarmed by the shocking rapidity of American POWs’ breakdowns and indoctrination by their communist captors, the CIA began investing in mind-control research. In 1953, the CIA established the MK-ULTRA program, whose earliest phase involved hypnosis, electroshock and hallucinogenic drugs. The program evolved into experiments in psychological torture that adapted elements of Soviet and Chinese models, including longtime standing, protracted isolation, sleep deprivation and humiliation. Those lessons soon became an applied “science” in the Cold War.

During the Vietnam War, the CIA developed the Phoenix program, which combined psychological torture with brutal interrogations, human experimentation and extrajudicial executions. In 1963, the CIA produced a manual titled “Kubark Counterintelligence Interrogation” to guide agents in the art of extracting information from “resistant” sources by combining techniques to produce “debility, disorientation and dread.” Like the communists, the CIA largely eschewed tactics that violently target the body in favor of those that target the mind by systematically attacking all human senses in order to produce the desired state of compliance.

(…)

(B)ecause the concept of torture has been so muddled and disputed, I suggest that accountability would be more publicly palatable if we reframed the CIA’s program as one of human experimentation. If we did so, it would be more difficult to laud or excuse perpetrators as “patriots” who “acted in good faith.” Although torture has become a Rorschach test among political elites playing to public opinion on the Sunday morning talk shows, human experimentation has no such community of advocates and apologists.

The CIA Didn’t Just Torture, It Experimented on Human Beings – Lisa Hajjar, The Nation

Tedenski izbor

leer_de_todo

Kritičnih glasov komentatorjev, razen na desnici, sploh ni. Kar je tragično, ker dokazuje, da v slovenskem prostoru ideološke delitve še vedno zamegljujejo racionalno presojo in da “levi” novinarji niso sposobni prestopiti ideoloških meja. Večina slovenskih medijskih hiš je ob tem primera ravnala tako, kakor da bi bile v teh hišah zaposlene presstitutke, ne pa novinarji in komentatorji, ki bi bili sposobni samostojnega sprejemanja sklepov.
(…)
Sodba Janezu Janši je zato – enako kot povsem nezakonit odvzem njegovega mandata – kapitulacija prava pred mediji. S to sodbo je prevladala logika, da se v Sloveniji ni več potrebno “kot pijanec plota držati zakonov” in da jih je zaradi “višjega cilja” (včasih partije, danes boja zoper korupcijo) tu in tam mogoče tudi “kreativno” interpretirati. S tem pa smo skozi stranski vhod v sodstvo znova uvedli arbitrarnost in novodoben mišljenjski delikt. To pa je huje, kakor če bi se zaporu izognil nekdo, ki je morda celo kriv, vendar mu tega ni mogoče nedvoumno dokazati.

Nezaznavno kaznivo dejanje – Igor Mekina, Radio študent

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Naj se ugotovi kaj je in kaj ni res; so grajske kleti v Škofji Loki zapolnjene s trupli ali ne? Potem naj se, če se najde množična grobišča, uredi grobnice in kostnice. Naj se sprejme zakon, ki bo določal, da na teh kostnicah plapolala slovenska zastava, ki bo govorila: “Republika Slovenija stoji za tem, da se mrtve pokoplje in spoštuje. Republika Slovenija je civilizirana država. Republika Slovenija je poskrbela, da se mrtve pokoplje ne glede na to, kateri vojaški formaciji so pripadali in brez ozira na to, kateri totalitarni režim je odgovoren za njihovo smrt. Republika Slovenija se zavzema za to, da so kostnice namenjene žrtvam povojnih izvensodnih pobojev, v viden opomin naslednjim generacijam.”

Predlagam tudi, da se na spomenike ali ob spomenike NOB postavi znamenje križa, saj so bili borci NOB povečini kristjani. K spoštovanju njihovega dostojanstva spada tudi spoštovanje njihove verske pripadnosti.

Kaj pomeni “pokopati mrtve”? – Bogdan Vidmar, Časnik

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This model of learning (…) assumes that teachers and classes are not essential to the learning process. After all, anyone can pick up a book or watch online presentations and extract information. Indeed, if that’s what learning is, then the entire history of education since the advent of the mass-market book has been ineffective and time-wasting. Why do you need a lecturer if you can read the book yourself?

But for liberal education, teachers and classes are essential. Why? Because it’s not just about information, but about dialectic.

What is dialectic? The pursuit of truth, together with others, in a spirit of good will, about the things that matter most to human beings.

(…)

Dialectical learning cannot be assessed in the ways used for information and skills—and especially not by timed questioning intended to elicit valid responses according to a predetermined “competency framework.”

In particular, the highest goal of dialectic—namely, dependable judgment based on thorough consideration of issues that really matter in life—is not assessable by “objective” testing instruments. It can only be assessed by competent dialecticians who watch students’ progress over time as they grapple with ideas, listen to others, join with others in inquiry, become proficient at asking insightful questions, become deft at working through premises and consequences, and so on.

What Competency-based Education Cannot Do – Christopher B. Nelson, The Imaginative Conservative

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What is very telling is that the broadsheet press is leading the charge against Cosby, using the very same tactics of salacious finger-pointing as they condemned in the tabloids when they ‘named and shamed’ paedophiles. It seems all sides in public life are now involved in a modern version of demonology, suspending rationality in the desperate hunt for some kind of horribleness we can cohere our disconnected society in opposition to. Ultimately, this ugly rush to condemn those who haven’t been convicted of a crime speaks to a widespread disregard for what is lost when someone is so condemned: freedom. We used to take seriously the process of convicting someone because we took seriously what they risked losing – their liberty. Not anymore. Liberty, life, justice, be damned – collective outrage is more important.

Bill Cosby is innocent. We forget this at our peril – Brendan O’Neill, Spiked

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While Blanc views women as brainless putty, to be moulded by nonsense and automated conversation, the campaigners against Blanc view women as desperately helpless and in need of state assistance to keep them away from lechy men.

Of course, Blanc and his loony techniques are nothing to be afraid of. If anything, they are a tragic symptom of a culture in which intimacy has been so problematised, and the process of seduction so heavily dissected and imbued with anxiety, that some have decided to adopt a robotic pseudo personality to address members of the opposite sex. Sadly, our government needs little excuse to exercise draconian controls over our national borders. It has already banned a long list of comedians, politicians and thinkers from our shores based on what they think and say. Now Blanc joins that sorry list. And no doubt the petty bureaucrats in the Home Office will be delighted to have the support of the new authoritarians in the Twittersphere.

 Julien Blanc is a dickhead – Luke Gittos, Spiked

***

Liberalizem je gotovo slaba politična in svetovnonazorska usmeritev, a ima eno samo prednost, ki je noben drug sistem nima, prav ta prednost pa je bistvena. Liberalni sistem, če je res tak, dovoljuje tudi vse druge poskuse, medtem ko diktature, pa naj bodo še tako socialno ali drugače utemeljene, razen lastnega recepta ne dopuščajo nič drugega. Če kdo hoče, lahko pod liberalno vlado ustanovi socialistično vodeno podjetje, lahko vsem zaposlenim da enako plačo, lahko vse naredi za solastnike.  Seveda so taki poskusi vedno obstajali in tudi vedno propadli – spet zaradi nerealnosti “dobrega človeka”, o katerem kritiki liberalne pozicije nepoboljšljivo sanjajo.

O neoliberalizmu – Vinko Ošlak, Časnik

***

There hasn’t been a nationwide ban on alcohol in nearly a lifetime, but prohibition-era regulatory relics still manage to put a damper on what could be an even more thriving industry: Craft beer.

(…)

Another remnant of the prohibition era are “sin taxes” on alcohol. On average, 40 percent of the cost of every beer is going into federal or state coffers, partially to dissuade you from enjoying your favorite craft brew. These taxes are even higher on both spirits and wine.

Perhaps most damaging are the prohibition-era distribution laws known as the “three-tier” system. Under this regime, suppliers, wholesalers, and retailers must remain entirely separate entities. In a classic example of a government-created monopoly, this scheme forces brewers to sign contracts with one distributor, who then has exclusive rights to sell their product to stores and restaurants in a given area.

Free the Markets, Free the Brews – Corie Whalen Stephens, Red Alert Politics

Tedenski izbor

teddy-reading
Zdrav način razdolževanja, ki bi omogočil hitrejšo gospodarsko rast, bi bilo pridobivanje novega kapitala v podjetja. Tudi primerjalni podatki z drugimi državami območja evra kažejo, da slovenska podjetja ne odstopajo po višini zadolženosti, ampak po prenizkem kapitalu. Vendar večina podjetij nima lastnikov, ki bi ga lahko zagotovili. Lani so vsa podjetja skupaj dobila le 295 milijonov novega lastniškega kapitala.Najboljši mogoči ukrep za razdolževanje in zagon gospodarstva bi bila zato hitra odprodaja deležev, ki jih imajo v rokah različni tranzicijski lastniki vključno z državo (ta je lastnica 23 odstotkov vsega kapitala slovenskih podjetij in bank ). Čeprav kupci ne bodo pravljični princi na belem konju, je to ena od redkih možnosti, ki jih sploh imamo, da podjetja pridejo do lastnikov, ki bi lahko izboljšali upravljanje in zagotovili dodatni kapital.
***
“Putin’s actions should be easy to comprehend,” writes Mearshimer. Ukraine is a “huge expanse of flat land that Napoleonic France, imperial Germany, and Nazi Germany all crossed to strike at Russia itself.” Since Ukraine serves as a “buffer state of enormous strategic importance to Russia … no Russian leader would tolerate a military alliance that was Moscow’s mortal enemy until recently moving into Ukraine.” By the same token, no “Russian leader [would] stand idly by while the West helped install a government there that was determined to integrate Ukraine into the West.” After all, “great powers are always sensitive to potential threats near their home territory.”
The argument is marred by two fatal flaws. First, by invoking past invasions, Mearshimer goes beyond the analytical framework of realism, which assumes that “objective” threats would be recognized as such by any rational observer, and invokes Russian historical memory, ideology, and political culture—or perceptions. Once perceptions enter the picture, we leave the realm of realism’s logical rigor and introduce factors that contradict the objectivity and rationality assumption of realism and implode Mearshimer’s theoretical framework. After all, the power of realism resides in its claim that all rational observers, regardless of nationality, would assess national interests and power relations in approximately the same way. If they do not, because values, norms, ideas, and the like get in the way, then realism amounts to the banal observation that power somehow matters in our assessments of international relations. Who could disagree?
***

Upoštevajoč tvit pomembnega pristaša SDS Tomaža Štiha, katerega mnenje v tej stranki veliko šteje, je opcija tudi, da vojska izvede državni udar (ne vem, kakšen bi bil drug evfemizem za to, da vojska prevzame nadzor, saj takšne institucionalne zanke nimamo kodirane v ustavi). To je sicer malo težje izvesti, ampak očitno se te dni razmišlja tudi o tem, zato poglejmo, kako smiselno je priporočilo Tomaža Štiha.

Prvič, kot so že ostali tviteraši opozorili Štiha, bo težko vojska z Vebrovim načelnikom generalštaba izvajala državni udar v imenu Janše in Štiha. Drugič, če obvelja Štihova kontra-informacija iz tvita, da častniki ne sprejemajo Ostermana, potem se mora zgoditi ali najprej udar znotraj vojske in šele potem tanki zapeljejo na ulice in zavzamejo RTV, parlament, zgradbo vlade in predsedništva države ali pa samostojno častniki, ki ne sprejemajo Ostermana, udarijo v prej omenjene institucije in prevzamejo nadzor, kar pa, priznajte, je malo težje izvedljiv scenarij.

Tretjič, in to podpornikom ideje državnega udara ne bo všeč, takšne vrste institucionalnih sprememb zadnjih nekaj let nekako niso zelo popularne v mednarodni javnosti, posebno če bo najprej potrebno obračunati z Ostermanom in šele potem izvesti državni udar. Bodimo kar realni, ideja je absurdno bedasta in ni je sile v katerikoli državi EU, ki bi te dni lahko izvedla kaj takega in preživela.

Bralcem se opravičujem, ker analiziram tako trapasto idejo, kot je državni udar v imenu Janše, ampak take ideje so pač dane v javni prostor in to s strani ljudi, katerih mnenje v SDS šteje in so zaradi tega legitimirane. So pa tudi precej iskrene, saj če prikimamo Štihu k njegovi tezi, da je vse pore slovenskih institucij prevzela komunistična klika, potem se lahko Štih za demokracijo bori samo s pomočjo nasilja.

Končni paradoks: stranka SDS je izdala Janšo! – Kizo, Portal Plus

***

Bodimo iskreni, če ni dokaza, da ima Iskra agendo zrušiti ustavni red Republike Slovenije, potem imamo opravka z otroci, ki se igrajo vojno, ne pa z ekstremisti, ki izvajajo mobilizacije in vojaška urjenja. To nas napelje na tretjo točko, razkrinkanje ciljev Iskre. V prilogi k članku boste našli odstopno izjavo nekdanjega predsednika Iskre Klemna Kneza, v njej boste prebrali, da je končni cilj te grupacije:

“Vzpostaviti moramo politični subjekt – ki bo revolucionaren – kar pomeni samo to, da bo svojo moč črpal iz ulice in ne argumentov znotraj postavljenih okvirjev – kajti argumenti so in vedno bodo stvar politikantskega in ideološkega obračanja zadev na glavo. Naš boj je boj za oblast in tega nikoli in nikdar ne smemo pozabiti – oblast celotnega delovnega ljudstva…”

Menim, da je nedvoumno, kaj je želel Knez v svoji odstopni izjavi povedati in kakšna je politika ter cilj Iskre: prevlada ulice nad argumenti, ravno obratno, kot je kodirano v naši ustavi, kjer je parlamentarna argumentacija edini mehanizem za oblikovanje, delovanje in vzpostavljanje institucij. Prevlada ulice nad argumenti (kakršenkoli že je dominantni mehanizem argumentacije) je evfemizem za nasilno revolucijo. In kot pravi Knez, njihov boj je boj za oblast.

V tem kontekstu postane jasno, da Iskrin tabor, ki je bil izveden v nedrjih Univerze, ni bil rekreativnega namena, ampak je imel za svoj namen urjenje sile nad močjo argumentiranja in taisti tabor ni služil motiviranju študentarije pred jesenskimi izpitnimi roki, ampak team-buildingu obstoječih in mobilizaciji novih sil. Ste še vedno skeptični? Potem preberite nadaljevanje Knezovega pisanja:

“… Pot do tja je mukotrpna – saj se ne borimo za ljubljanski študenteraj, niti za slovenski delavski razred – temveč za svetovni prevrat obstoječih družbenih razmerij – socialno revolucijo – in s tem socialistično Republiko.”

Hočete ekstremiste? – Kizo, Portal Plus

***

Nothing is too gross when promoting racial hysteria in an election year. Veteran Democrat Congressman Charlie Rangel from Harlem declared that Republicans “don’t disagree — they hate!” According to Rangel, “Some of them believe that slavery isn’t over and that they won the Civil War!”

Republicans did win the Civil War. That’s why there is no more slavery. It was a Republican president who issued the Emancipation Proclamation. It was a Republican-controlled Congress that voted for the 13th Amendment, outlawing slavery.

In the 1960s, a higher percentage of Republicans than Democrats voted for the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. If we are going to talk about history, let’s at least get the facts right.

Only an utter ignorance of history, in this era of dumbed-down education, could allow demagogues like Rangel to get away with the absurdities that abound in election year politics.

Voter Fraud and Voter I.D. – Thomas Sowell, The New American

***

Lena Dunham has been declared the voice of her generation not because she has anything to say but because she never stops talking. Or so it seems to me, a member of that generation. However awkward, unnecessary, or ill-informed a thought of hers may be, the twenty-eight-year-old seems ready to give voice to it. Her film, television series, and book—all to varying degrees autobiographical—seek deliverance in disclosure. Dunham has shown us everything.

In turn, she has been praised for demonstrating “courage,” “honesty,” “awareness,” and a dozen other euphemistic antonyms for reticence. (…)

Intimacy demands spaces of silence, and Dunham has built a career by violating those silences. She has attacked discretion and in the process attacked intimacy itself.

A Word for Discretion – Matthew Schmitz, First Things

***

Since I cannot now receive the Eucharist, it is through spiritual communion that I am kept spiritually fed by the Lord. This act of willing reception is not, as some may think, second-class communion. Far from it. To believe so is to diminish one of the ways Christ feeds his people, as Hans Urs von Balthasar warns in his book, Prayer:

For spiritual communion is by no means merely an act of longing for the reception of the Lord under the sacramental signs; much deeper, and more properly, it is the act of prayer of a living and understanding faith, by which it enters into living communication and communion with Christ, the eternal and living Truth.

Balthasar wants to impress upon the reader the objective reality of spiritual communion. It is not the absence of something but the presence of him. I don’t get to pine or indulge in self-pity during the distribution of the Eucharist. And God forbid I should become angry with my priest or the Church for not giving me Communion. As Archbishop Charles J. Chaput put it during the 2014 Erasmus lecture, “none of us are welcome on our own terms, in the Church we’re welcome on Jesus’ terms. That’s what it means to be a Christian, you submit yourself to Jesus and His teaching. You don’t recreate your own body of spirituality.”

My Plea: I’m a divorced and remarried mother. Please don’t change the Church practice – Luma Simms, First Things

***

Za konec pa še tekst, ki smo ga po krivici spregledali v oktobru: kolumna Narod si bo PR pisal sam izpod peresa našega priljubljenega levičarskega kolumnista Mihe Blažiča – N’Toka.

Ideja, da smo Slovenci homogena celota in da nas povezuje neka pradavna zarukanost, je privlačna iz več razlogov. Kdo ne bi rad verjel, da ga obdajajo sami idioti, ki ovirajo njegov uspeh? Če bi se rodili v katerikoli drugi državi, bi gotovo prepoznali našo genialnost, tukaj v Butalah pa, eh … kaj bi vam govoril. Slovenci imamo zaradi zaplankanega okolja pač zvezane roke. Če so našim babicam župniki povedali, da živijo v tej dolini solz zaradi izvirnega greha, smo mi dobili zgodbo o narodnem značaju. Tako pred začetkom vsakega delovnega dne moja generacija zmoli: »Verujem v Enega Slovenca, zarukanega, koruptivnega lenuha, ki poveličuje nesposobnost in kaznuje talent. Verujem v Balkansko mentaliteto, v prirojeno nepoštenost, v slovensko uravnilovko. Za hlapce rojeni, za hlapce vzgojeni, ustvarjeni za hlapčevanje. Amen.« In beseda je meso postala.

Ostrakizem Janeza Janše in interes slovenske levice

Janez Janša, Dob

Nihče verjetno ni zamudil novice, da so konec prejšnjega tedna poslanci Državnega zbora odvzeli mandat Janezu Janši.

Še preden podam svoj komentar glede tega srhljivo precendenčnega primera v političnem prostoru naše dežele, hočem prehiteti slučajne (tudi čisto legitimne) ugovore s strani naših bralcev z desne. Gotovo so vsi dogodki v zvezi z njegovo osebo v zadnjega dobrega pol leta za vse, ki so mu blizu– za njegovo ženo, otroke, sorodnike, njegove sodelavce, pa tudi podpornike, tako nove kot tiste, ki ga že od Roške ali vsaj od afere Depala vas imajo za simbol upora, antiestablišmenta, za zgled človeške pokončnosti, stanovitnosti, nepopustljivosti – zelo travmatični, zaskrbljujoči in razžaljujoči. Najprej zelo sumljiva in čudna obtožba, ki si je noben pravnik ni upal zagovarjati. Potem še hujši udarec – potrditev te obtožbe na višji instanci. Za konec pa še zelo pravno sporen – če že ne rečem nelegalen – odvzem mandata. Razumem, da vas boli in vam je osebno hudo. Resnično sem empatičen. Vendar ne morem mimo tega, da o temu, kar se dogaja, razmišljam striktno politično.

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Evropska Slovenija Igorja Prodnika

Sklicevanje na »pravičnost«, »enakost«, »moralnost« in »etiko«, kakor jo razume najprej hudič in po njegovih navdihih tudi večina ljudi /poudarek ur./, je vedno učinkovito propagandno in zapeljevalno sredstvo. Z gendersko, nacionalistično, a enako z antinacionalistično, socialno in avtoritarno ali enako antiavtoritarno retoriko je brez vsakega konkretnega znanja v upravljanju državnih reči mogoče delati hitro in dobro kariero, enako pa tudi v drugih človeških ustanovah, posebej še v velikih religioznih sistemih in cerkvah /poudarek ur./. Dalai Lama in trenutni rimski škof Frančišek sta dovolj prepoznavna primera take uspešnosti. Oba se sklicujeta na »pravičnost » in »enakost«. Ni slučaj, da imamo sovraštvo med Izraelom in predniki današnjega arabskega sveta in z njim vseh islamskih narodov že v isti Abrahamovi družini med Izakom, sinom zakonite žene Sare in Izmaelom, sinom dekle Hagare, ki z isto neizprosnostjo traja do danes, kar v naslednji generaciji pa v isti maternici spor dveh sorodnih narodov Jakobovega in Ezavovega potomstva, ki ju Bog sam napove Rebeki, Izakovi ženi: „Dva naroda sta v tvojem telesu, dve ljudstvi se bosta ločili iz tvojega naročja. Eno bo močnejše od drugega in starejše bo služilo mlajšemu” (1 Mz 25,23). Bog v vsej zgodovini poleg temeljnih razlik iz začetka stvarstva vzpostavlja vedno nove dodatne razlike – njegov nasprotnik, Satan, skuša te razlike izničiti, za ceno človeške krvi seveda.

Ne, to ni najbolj bizaren odlomek iz eseja Kača, ki ga je v tedniku Demokracija objavil Igor Prodnik, slovenski javnosti znan kot avtor dokumentarca Maske demokracije, filmskim ustvarjalcem pa kot kratkotrajni direktor Vibe filma, kjer je v praksi uveljavljal odločen odmik od antiavtoritarne logike (verjetno v strahu, da ga ne bi kdo metal v isto malho s papežem Frančiškom).

Prodnik je v naši prosvetljeni napredni javnosti že vzbujal pohujšanje zaradi vehemence svojih verskih nazorov. Vzbujanje pohujšanja pri prosvetljeni javnosti seveda pozdravljamo, nekoliko bolj pa smo skeptični do verskih nazorov koroškega režiserja, ki se nam zdijo najbolj goreči tedaj, ko so usmerjeni v zelo posvetna obračunavanja:

Danes mora kača seči v svojem obupnem poskusu odprave razlike med Stvarnikom in stvarstvom še nižje. Velik del okoljske ideologije, ki danes zamenjuje diskvalificirano razredno ideologijo marksizma, je v bistvu podržavljena ali vsaj v program nekaterih strank sprejeta religija čaščenja mrtve narave. Pot od nacionalnega do ekološkega socializma je samo nadaljevanje iste poti ukinjanja temeljnih razlik med Stvarnikom in stvarstvom.

Če ste pomislili, da je zgornje enačenje ekološke levice z nacizmom višek intelektualne nepoštenosti in zlorabe krščanske teologije v namene plehke ideološke polemike, se motite. Pozorno preberite spodnji odlomek: ne pustite se zapeljati visokim in hvalevrednim kulturnim referencam in navidezno pravoverni teološki izpeljavi; pozorni bodite na poanto:

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O politični kulturi – nekoliko drugače

Tekst je bil objavljen kot komentar v zadnji, poletni številki revije Razpotja.

razklanost

Portugalski prijatelj mi je nekoč razlagal, kako je kot najstnik pogosto dopustoval na portugalski rivieri, kjer je bilo v visoki sezoni več turistov kot domačinov; teh je bilo pravzaprav komaj peščica. Ko se je včasih zgodilo, da je med to množico tujcev srečal sonarodnjaka, se je prav razveselil. »Od kod si?« – »Iz Lizbone. Pa ti?« – »Iz Porta.« Navdušenje se je nemudoma prevesilo v sumničenje in nazadnje v besno prepiranje. Različni zemljepisni izvor je namreč pomenil pripadnost različnim nogometnim klubom in pogovor se je neizogibno končal z zagrizenim prerekanjem o spornih sodniških odločitvah, s polemičnim seciranjem brezštevilnih zgodb in zamer, nakopičenih v dolgih desetletjih medklubskega antagonizma.

Obstaja teorija, po kateri je notorična trdovratnost slovenskih političnih sporov povezana s pomanjkanjem močne kulture klubskega nogometa. Marjan Rožanc je trdil, da se je zatrti skupnostni duh slovenstva, ki se vse od rehabilitacije protestantske reformacije nekoliko sramuje svojega katolištva, vrnil v sprevrženi obliki podtalnega kolektivizma, kot prenapeto sektaštvo.

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Tedenski izbor

kertesz

Sam nisem voznik, zato vsaki kritiki, ki jo naslovim na samozavestnega slovenskega voznika, sledi: »Ko boš imel vozniški izpit, boš že razumel!« Dober voznik ne potrebuje legitimacije drugega, dovolj mu je dejstvo, da je on voznik in vozi tako, kot je pač v navadi v teh krajih. Legitimacije ne pridobi z odgovorno soudeležbo v občem prostoru prometa, kjer so pravila jasna in vsakemu udeležencu že prej znana, temveč sam od sebe, v neke vrste cehovski solidarnosti, s tiho zavestjo, da si to lahko privošči, ker je močnejši. Ni promet kot občost tista, ki nekomu podeli status dobrega voznika, temveč je dober voznik tisti, ki ustvarja stanje v prometu.

S takimi dobrimi vozniki se srečujemo na vsakem ovinku svojega bivanja. Ko se pogajamo z občinskimi politiki in lokalnimi veljaki, ko poskušamo sodelovati z odgovornimi v javnih inštitucijah na področju kulture in drugih družbenih dejavnostih, ko se moramo meniti s poldržavnimi gospodarstveniki, študentskimi funkcionarji itd. Nihče se ne počuti kot del neke občosti, da je odgovoren do nje, in da bo legitimacijo, ali dela dobro ali ne, dobil ravno v tem, ko bodo vsi njeni udeleženci bolj optimalno delovali. Ne, že samo dejstvo, da so se prebili do neke pozicije in počnejo stvari tako, kot je v navadi, je čisto dovoljšnje upravičenje za njihovo nadaljnje delovanje.

»Ko boš imel vozniški izpoit, boš že razumel!« – Miha Kosovel, Časnik

***

Redukcija politike na boj med klientelami je, res, značilnost Vzhodne Evrope. In sploh perifernih držav. To pa se dogaja prav zato, ker te države niso vzpostavile učinkovitega mehanizma izmenjave elit. Ravno zato, ker v premnogih družbenih podsistemih vlada kadrovska inertnost, postane skrajna politizacija edini način, kako stvari premakniti iz mrtve točke. Politični boj se sprevrže v borbo za pozicije v javnem sektorju in paradržavnih strukturah, saj se zdi, da po normalni poti, prek kriterijev meritokratske selekcije, ni mogoče spremeniti ničesar. Javni sektor postane sistem dodeljevanja rent in sinekur političnim privržencem, ki v zameno skrbijo za širjenje »ideološke« (beri: kulturnobojne) megle, ki zakriva, za kaj v resnici gre. To stanje je gojišče vse bolj nezmernih idej o raznih »neoliberalnih revolucijah« – ki pa ne morejo priti do besede drugače kot z jezikom kulturnega boja, kar je voda na mlin taistim predatorskim elitam. Začarani krog.

O plemenitem poslanstvu Grege Repovža – Luka G. Lisjak, Časnik

***

Še vedno sem prepričan, da sta SDS in Janša glavna za kakršenkoli preobrat na bolje v Sloveniji. Na žalost pa kaže, da SDS sporočila volitev še ni dojela. Po objavi rezultatov so izdali javno sporočilo, ki še najbolj spominja na kakšen razglas zvezne partije v času, ko je nekdanja država že razpadala po vseh šivih, in se je nanašal na neko resničnost, ki je živela samo še v glavah zveznih funkcionarjev. Ko bo Janševa obsodba razveljavljena, mu Slovenija ne bo razvila rdeče preproge in ga povabila, naj postane imperator. Na žalost bo odziv sistema in tudi velike večine prebivalcev »business as usual«. Kardinal Rode je spomnil, da sta tudi Gandi in Mandela po prihodu iz zapora prevzela vodenje preporoda države. Vendar je prvi pogoj za to, da se nekaj podobnega zgodi tudi pri nas, da Janša pride iz zapora vsaj kot pol Gandi ali pol Mandela. Če pride kot stoodstotni Janša ali celo 150-odstotni Janša, se bo čedalje večji del zmernega volilnega spektra, tistega, ki ga je za premierski položaj podprl leta 2004, odvračal od njega.

Post mortem – Blaž Vodopivec, Finance

***

Če smo demokrati, imamo zato samo eno možnost: spoštovati voljo ljudi in strpno sprejeti dejstvo, da je Janez Janša poslanec. Ali so njegovi volilci normalni? Da. Preprosto verjamejo, da je nedolžen in po krivem obsojen. In glede na šlamastiko slovenskega pravosodja, ki je prepleteno z mafijskimi omrežji pokvarjenih sodnic in sodnikov, imajo svoje argumente. Ali je vso to dogajanje zdravo za Slovenijo? Niti slučajno.

SDS je stranka, ki je danes ni mogoče vključiti v politični proces vodenja države. Je stranka destrukcije, ki s svojim pomembnim deležem pridobljenim na volitvah zaradi svoje strategije krči parlamentarni prostor. Je stranka, ki nima namena sodelovati in se pogovarjati z nikomer. Niti z najbližjimi, celo partnerji. Tako kot ima Italija težave z destruktivnostjo predstavnikov Beppe Grilla, ima tudi Slovenija težavo s tem, da petina parlamentarnega prostora nima namena sodelovati pri vodenju države. Tej petini pa se je sedaj pridružila tudi Združena levica, ki destrukcijo vodi z drugega kota. Zato je maneverski prostor pomembno zožen in terja še toliko več dialoga med preostalimi zmernimi političnimi silami. Ta strategija SDS je z vidika volilnega rezultata samomorilska. Zaradi take kampanje so samo na zadnjih volitvah izgubili vsaj pet odstotkov. Z vidika politike, ki hoče uspeh na volitvah ter nato vladati, je taka strategija torej nespametna.

Toda ta strategija je z njihovega vidika povsem utemeljena in celo edina možna etična drža.

A je to demokracija, da je Janša poslanec? – Sebastjan Jeretič, Neurovirtu

***

I recognize the Fox Geezer Syndrome these readers identify. This is what happens when conservatism becomes an ideology instead of an approach to life. It indicates an extremely unconservative temperament, frankly. /…/ These Fox Geezers may well be conservative in their politics, right down the line. What they’re doing, though, is allowing politics to consume their minds and their entire lives, such that they are making impossible the kinds of things that true conservatives ought to be dedicated to conserving: that is, the permanent things, like family. I have been around Fox Geezers before, and I see absolutely no difference between them and the kind of self-righteous loudmouths on the left that make reasonable discussion impossible, because all problems are reduced to a conflict between Good and Evil, and decided in advance.

The tragedy — and I think it is exactly that — is that the elderly often have great wisdom to share with the younger generations, to say nothing of the fact that it is they who have the long view, and who ought to understand how important it is to nurture bonds among family members, especially across the generations. Yet in these cases, it is they who behave like teenagers and twentysomethings, full of piss and vinegar and a toxic certainty, plus a radioactive impulse to crusade. What they lack is the principal conservative virtue: Prudence.

Fox Geezer Syndrome – Rod Dreher, The American Conservative

***

It’s not that abortion opponents don’t really care about abortion as such, but only about sexual mores, but that political language is necessarily corrupt because its purpose is pornographic in the sense that it is intended to provoke action, not increase understanding.

/…/

I really, really do believe that the more seriously you take the proposition that abortion is categorically immoral, the more morally imperative it is for you not to hitch your wagon to the star of either political party. Nothing is more corrupting of the anti-abortion cause than its subsumption into a culture war that is fundamentally – fundamentally – about making it easier for politicians to get re-elected.

You Know What’s Murder? Politics Is Murder – Noah Millman, The American Conservative

***

It is not an accident that the three key planks of the Left-wing outlook today – the anti-Israel anti-war sentiment, the shallow anti-capitalism of Occupy, and the worship of those who leak info from within the citadels of power – should all have had issues with anti-Semitism. It is because the left, feeling isolated from the public and bereft of any serious means for understanding modern political and economic affairs, has bought into a super-simplistic, black-and-white, borderline David Icke view of the world as a place overrun and ruled by cabals and cults and sinister lobby groups. And who has always, without fail, been the final cabal, the last cult, to find themselves shouldering the ultimate blame for the warped, hidden workings of politics, the economy and foreign turmoil? You got it – the Jews.

 Is the Left Anti-Semitic? Sadly, it is heading that way – Brendan O’Neill, The Daily Telegraphy

***

Up until now, even European politicians who were paying attention to developments in Hungary — German Chancellor Angela Merkel, for example — believed that they didn’t have any political capital to spare amid the euro crisis. It was difficult enough for European leaders to bully Greek governments into drastic spending cuts; they didn’t want to be seen lecturing small central European nations on democratic norms as well. But given the current perception, right or wrong, that the continent’s financial crisis is no longer acute, Brussels and Europe’s bigger states may finally get serious about Orban. They should understand that the new ideological conflict — liberal versus illiberal Europe — is a greater danger to the foundations of the EU than the euro crisis. Of course money matters — but a rising antiliberalism inside the EU, inspired and materially supported by Putin, could tear the Union apart morally and, ultimately, politically. Orban has done the rest of Europe a favor by spelling out his illiberal intentions so openly — and making it clear just how high the stakes are.

Moscow’s Trojan Horse: In Europe’s Ideological War, Hungary Picks Putinism – Jan-Werner Müller, Foreign Affairs

***

I’d respectfully argue that libertarianism is neither dangerous nor doomed, and that people who think otherwise are misled by a double standard they use when analyzing this political faction. When they write about a “libertarian moment,” they act as if it would mean the immediate embrace of an extreme, ideologically pure version of a philosophy that most actual sympathizers embrace with pragmatic moderation. Yes, if the most radical faction of any ideology that has never before exercised power was suddenly put in charge, that might well end in disaster. But in the real world, libertarian ideas will only ever be implemented partially in a system of checks and balances where modest reforms are difficult to achieve, never mind sweeping, rapid changes. It’s true, but trivially so, that neither a libertarian nor a liberal nor conservative utopia is coming. But liberals and conservatives exercise power regularly, so no one is under the silly illusion that their ascendance would entail a pure ideological program untempered by reality.

“Is libertarian economics at all realistic?” Krugman asks, as if the question is coherent. There are deep disagreements among libertarians about economic policy. There is never a moment when an entire economic philosophy comes up for a vote. It may just be that libertarian thinkers are correct on the merits of some policies, like rent control, and incorrect on others, like the gold standard, and that the prudent thing for a pluralistic society would be to adopt their best ideas and insights, rather than preemptively declaring all libertarian economic ideas unrealistic.

Libertarians Can Be a Significant Force for Good in U.S. Politics – Conor Friedersdorf, The Atlantic

***

 

Prostitution is moving online whether governments like it or not. If they try to get in the way of the shift they will do harm. Indeed, the unrealistic goal of ending the sex trade distracts the authorities from the genuine horrors of modern-day slavery (which many activists conflate with illegal immigration for the aim of selling sex) and child prostitution (better described as money changing hands to facilitate the rape of a child). Governments should focus on deterring and punishing such crimes—and leave consenting adults who wish to buy and sell sex to do so safely and privately online.

Prostitution: A personal Choice – The Economist

 

***

Compared to virtually all comedians today, Williams was a gentleman. He certainly wasn’t a jerk in the mode of Johnny Carson or Seinfeld. Nor did he content himself with ironically orbiting life with sad eyes in the mode of Bill Murray. He was hardly ever gratuitously gross, because he knew, even as a performer, he had grown-up responsibilities. Even though, in my opinion, Louis C.K. is funnier and maybe deeper, he has a lot to learn about being a grown-up, to say nothing of a gentleman.

Williams, apparently, never achieved in his own life the self-confidence and self-knowledge of his best characters. He seemed never to have been quite comfortable in his own skin. Too much restlessness and not enough serenity. He was a great man.

Robin WIlliams as a Man in Full – Peter Augustine Lawler, National Review

 

Tedenski izbor

reading1

 

Morali se bomo navaditi, da v dvopolni Sloveniji vendarle obstaja nek PRAGMATIČNI SREDINSKI VOLIVEC. Ta je včeraj priskočil na pomoč standardnemu ex-LDS-volivcu iz javnega sektorja – in Cerar je premočno zmagal. Na naslednjih volitvah lahko ta volivec priskoči na pomoč komu na desni. Ta tip volivca ni nek tavajoči in nestabilni element, zgolj produkt medijske manipulacije, ampak je ena izmed legitimnih in spoštovanja vrednih političnih drž.

Odziv na “Slovenci niso razočarali” – Branko Cestnik, Časnik

***

Še več: cela vrsta faktorjev priča o tem, da k Cerarju niso množično prehajali le tisti volivci SDS-a, ki so se stranki pridružili v zadnjih 10. letih, temveč tudi mnogi iz »starega trdega jedra«, torej Janševi podporniki iz let 2000 in 1996. Te izgube je, kot rečeno, SDS uspešno »nadoknadila« s širjenjem na desno in tako ostali pomladni stranki stisnila na rob, kjer le za silo preživita; hkrati pa zaradi kadrovske šibkosti, luknjičasti njune zemljepisne porazdelitve in pomanjkanja trdne medijske podpore nikakor ne zmoreta nagovoriti volivcev, ki jih SDS pušča vnemar.

Anatomija pomladnega poraza – Luka G. Lisjak, Časnik

***

Tabela predvsem zelo jasno kaže, da so bile letošnje volitve – pa čeprav so se zgodile nekako po pomoti – res izjemne. Prvič se je zgodilo, da je politični novinec povsem pometel s staro politično elito. Če seveda odmislimo Demosovo zmago v povsem drugačnih zgodovinskih okoliščinah in drugačnem skupščinskem sistemu.

Stare strankarske elite vseh barv, vonjev in okusov – in ne le desnica – so torej resnični poraženec letošnjih volitev.

Ne sodi mačka po žaklju – Janez Šušteršič, Siol.net

***

Slovenijo smo razlagali kot razdeljeno na dve pripovedi:

Leva pripoved: “Kar imamo zdaj, je demokracija. In ker to ni bistveno različno od prejšnjega režima, tudi prejšnji režim ni mogel biti posebej napačen.”

Desna pripoved: “Kar imamo zdaj, ni demokracija, ker to ni bistveno različno od prejšnjega režima, ki je bil evidentno napačen.”

Na volitvah smo dobili še tretjo: “Imamo, kar imamo. O podrobnostih se prepirajte brez mene.”

Volivci tretje so na volitvah premočno zmagali.

Zmaga in poraz 2014 – Žiga Turk, Čas-opis

***

Hitenje s fiskalno konsolidacijo ali hitro zniževanje javne porabe ali davkov na podlagi konzervativne ideologije ima lahko zelo negativne učinke na gospodarsko okrevanje, medtem ko ima nereformiranje javnega sektorja, ohranjanje neoptimalne strukture socialnih transferjev, odlašanje z reformo pokojninskega sistema in trga dela zaradi socialistične ideologije zelo visoke negativne učinke na dolgi rok. Iz povsem pragmatičnih razlogov in v dobro dolgoročnih koristi za celotno družbo je na kratek rok treba biti keynesianec, na dolgi rok pa upoštevati ekonomiko ponudbe. Ni čas za ideologijo, ampak za pragmatičnost.

Upajmo, da bo nova vlada pragmatična, ne ideološka – Jože P. Damijan

***

The bottom-line question is: Does an act that’s clearly immoral when done privately become moral when it is done collectively and under the color of law? Put another way, does legality establish morality?

For most of our history, Congress did a far better job of limiting its activities to what was both moral and constitutional. As a result, federal spending was only 3 to 5 percent of the gross domestic product from our founding until the 1920s, in contrast with today’s 25 percent. Close to three-quarters of today’s federal spending can be described as Congress taking the earnings of one American to give to another through thousands of handout programs, such as farm subsidies, business bailouts and welfare.

Spending and Morality – Walter E. Williams, The New American

***

Thomas Piketty is to be commended for putting the question of distribution at the center of discussion about our economic future, rather than, as is more common in the dominant neoliberal framework, treating it as important only inasmuch as it bears on questions of mobility and growth. He is to be commended as well for demanding a humbler empiricism from the community of economists. But if we are to proceed from analysis to action, we still need a more robust theory of what is actually causing the problem that we observe. And while there is a certain French elegance to single, universal solutions, it may be that a diversity of attacks, tailored to the economic situations of different countries and regions, is not only more plausible than a new, global tax regime but more optimal as well.

Thomas Piketty Is the Anti-Marx – Noah Millman, The American Conservative

***

This is a subject that JM Keynes visited in his famous essay Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren. And while all sensible people have their doubts about “Keynesian Economics” there’s no doubt he was a most perspicacious economist. The essay looks at exactly at this point: when will we actually be able to supply everyone’s needs with not all that much work? He thought it would be some 15 years or so from now and we’d all be working 15 hour weeks. Simply because productivity would have advanced so much that that’s all we would need to work.

And this usually brings out the people shouting about why it hasn’t happened yet. But the thing is that is has happened, just not in quite the manner that everyone thought it would.

Google’s Larry Page on the 40 Hour Work Week – Tim Worstall, Forbes

***

The success of these re-emergent technologies also has important lessons for how we think of disruptive innovation. New technologies do not simply displace old ones. Some old technologies, like sailing boats and paper books, have an enduring appeal; some, like watches, can redefine their value; and some, like condoms, can get a new lease of life for unexpected reasons. In addition, people do not just buy something because it provides the most efficient solution to a problem. They buy it because it provides aesthetic satisfaction—a beautiful book, for example, or a perfectly made shirt—or because it makes them feel good about themselves. This suggests a paradox: the more that disruptive innovations like the internet boost the overall productivity of the economy, the more room there will be for old-fashioned industries that focus on quality rather than quantity and heritage rather than novelty. Sometimes the best way forward is backwards.

Second wind: Some traditional businesses are thriving in an age of disruptive innovation – The Economist

***

Imagine the once thin borderline of the American past as an ever-thickening band, now extending 100 miles inland around the United States—along the 2,000-mile southern border, the 4,000-mile northern border and both coasts—and you will be able to visualize how vast the CBP’s jurisdiction has become. This “border” region now covers places where two-thirds of the US population (197.4 million people) live. The ACLU has come to call it a “constitution-free zone.” The “border” has by now devoured the full states of Maine and Florida and much of Michigan.

66 Percent of Americans Now Live in a Constitution-Free Zone – Todd Miller, The Nation

***

Za konec dodajamo pretresljivo pričevanje Tadeje in Iva Keržeta, h katerima gredo naše misli, sočutje in molitve. In seveda moralna podpora za njuno legitimno prizadevanje:

Desetega julija ob 17. uri je po osmih urah trpljenja prišel na svet otrok, ki bi po moji oceni lahko zapolnil moji dlani. Nisem utegnila preveriti, ker ga je sestra skupaj z ostalimi tkivi takoj odnesla stran. Mož je šel za njo in se vrnil z novico, da imamo punčko. Jok in sklep, da bi jo tudi jaz rada videla. Ko sem jo videla ležati v umivalniku, se mi je zdelo, da mirno spi, tisti prelepi obrazek s čudovitimi ušesci, z drobnimi ročicami, kot narejenimi za prvi objem in nožicami, ki bi jo enkrat ponesle v svet. Vedela sem, da je to Elizabeta. Pokrižala sem jo, še poljubiti in dotakniti se je nisem upala, te krhke lepote. Bolelo je še bolj v petek, ko sem brez otroka zapuščala bolnišnico in brez resnega upanja, da jo bova dobila. Predstojnik oddelka nama je sporočil, da njihovi ustanovi grozi 30 tisoč evrov kazni, če bi nama jo izročili. Ob prisotnosti zastopnika pacientovih pravic smo se dogovorili za prenos na UKC Maribor, kjer Elizabeta čaka na obdukcijo. Danes, v ponedeljek, je moja bolečina še večja. Moja lepa hčerka leži v Bogve kakšnem hladilniku in grozi ji, da jo bodo vrgli med biološki odpad. Vse v meni se upira temu, kajti jaz sem jo v bolnišnico prinesla v trebuhu in jo cel dan rojevala, sedaj pa mi Republika Slovenija ne dovoli, da bi jo z možem pokopala v družinski grob. Kot ženska bi od te iste države lahko zahtevala, da mi otroka na državne stroške ubijejo, moja domovina pa mi ne dovoli, da bi svojo Elizabeto na lastne stroške pokopala.

Vrnite nam Elizabeto! – Ivo in Tadeja Kerže, Časnik

Refleksija o zmagi in porazu

Pričujoče besedilo je bilo napisano v drugem tednu decembra 2011 in objavljeno ob koncu adventnega časa v Razpotjih, reviji humanistov Goriške. Potrebno ga je razumeti kot odsev tedanjega duha časa  (čeprav je nastal na podlagi krajšega teksta, napisanega že jeseni 2008).

Razmere so se od tedaj spremenile globlje, kot smo si pripravljeni priznati. Da so bile te spremembe zelo drugačne, kot bi nekateri od nas želeli, je treba, po mojem, pripisati tudi temu, da nekateri niso opravili domače naloge, na katero napotuje spodnje besedilo.

las-lanzas

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Hegemonija in odsotnost

V zelo lepem članku Branka Cestnika O roju ali česa se ne smemo učiti od čebel avtor prikaže, kako neka komunikacija poteka tako rekoč po inerciji, brez konkretnih centrov, ki bi z direktnimi pritiski uveljavljala svojo moč. Čebele mu služijo kot metafora za komunikacijo, ki deluje kot odsotnost komunikacije: roj sam funkcionira tako, da že vsaka posamezna čebela točno ve, kaj mora storiti, ne da bi zaznala, da sama ni agent lastnega delovanja. Ali z njegovimi besedami: »Proces uporablja posamezno članico bolj kot posamezna članica obvlada proces«.

Tu bi sam dodal: ravno odsotnost direktnega pritiska na posameznike je tista, ki roju omogoča optimalno delovanje; vsak neposreden pritisk bi bil namreč že smatran kot napad (npr. kot sršen, ki je udrl v panj) in bi s tem tudi izzval upor.

To, kar g. Cestnik opisuje skozi metaforo mehanizma roja, bi lahko z nekoliko bolj učeno besedo imenovali hegemonija. In v tem smislu lahko trdimo, da imamo v Sloveniji hegemonijo levice.

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Ugled, slava, doksa (1.)

dan-mladosti

Ugled je ključna kategorija sodobnega političnega življenja. Če se človek odloči za vstop v politiko, se mora sprijazniti z dejstvom, da ne bo nikoli deloval zgolj kot funkcionar – kot anonimni izvrševalec ali uradniški tehnokrat –, temveč bo nastopal tudi kot osebnost.

Janković ali Janša sta veliko več od seštevka vseh funkcij, ki sta jih opravljala v življenju. Janša ni samo poslanec ali bivši premier, Janković nedvomno ni zgolj župan prestolnice. Sta osebnosti, ki uživata med nekaterimi sodržavljani spoštovanje, med drugimi sovraštvo in prezir; povedano drugače, sestavni del njunega političnega delovanja – njunih interakcij z javnostjo in sodržavljani – je ugled.

Seveda, v demokraciji so najvišji izraz političnega strinjanja volitve, s katerimi državljani svojim izbrancem uradno podelijo zaupanje in s tem tudi mandat. Toda politiki si poskušajo izboriti tudi druge, otipljivejše, manj abstraktne dokaze naklonjenosti. Janez Drnovšek je osvajal bralne police svojih rojakov, Katarina Kresal si je z odločnim, ženstvenim nastopom prislužila naslov Slovenke leta, Borut Pahor – no, Borut Pahor je za naklonjenost tekmoval na več kot en način. A motili bi se, če bi v teh poskusih dvorjenja javnemu mnenju videli zgolj sredstvo pridobivanja volilnih glasov. Kajti moderni politik ni učenec Machiavellija. Po javnem pripoznanju in ugledu hlepi vsaj toliko – včasih celo še bolj – kot po politični moči v ožjem smislu besede, tj. po zmožnosti odločanja o državnih zadevah.

Vendar kaj sploh pomeni ta pojem, »ugled«?

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