Nekaj opazk k migrantski krizi (I.)

V vsaki krizi se vedno skriva tudi priložnost. Priložnost za premisleke in priložnost za odločitve. Evropa in Slovenija se v zadnjih mesecih soočata s takšno krizo. V koncentrirani obliki so privrele na dan frustracije in problemi, ki so bili že dolgo tu. Pri tem je povsem jasno: kriza ni „begunska.“ Ne prinašajo je trume nesrečnikov, ki so se valile in se valijo preko balkanskega polotoka proti obljubljeni (West) Germany. Kriza je povsem avtohtona, povsem „naša“. Je to evropska kriza.

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Spletno obnašanje in “družbena odgovornost”

O nekaterih stvareh je težko govoriti na način, ki bi bil povsem prost moraliziranja. Ena izmed takšnih stvari je osebna tragedija. Na zasebne nesreče, ki po nizu naključij privrejo v javnost – ali, še huje, ki jih povzroči prav javna pozornost – se bomo v javnosti praviloma odzvali z razmislekom o morali. Nekateri bodo obžalovali krivico, ki se je zgodila prizadetim. Tisti bolj zagreti bodo pričeli iskati odgovorne. Manj ognjevit, intelektualni del javnosti bo s prstom pokazal na družbene razmere. Toda v vsakem primeru je jasno, da bo treba najti vzrok za krivico, da se bo lahko javnost pomirila samo tedaj, ko bodo dokončno znani – in zato osramočeni, ponižani, izločeni – odgovorni za tragedijo.

»Krivi so mediji!«

Zdi se, da smo v primeru, ki je v zadnjih tednih razburjal slovensko javnost, dosegli konsenz o krivcu. Za smrt ravnatelja mariborske šole so v prvi vrsti odgovorni mediji. Prvi učinki te sodbe so že razvidni. V četrtek je nekaj uredništev – med njimi tudi Delo in 24ur.com, dva izmed najvplivnejših slovenskih medijev – podpisalo zavezo za etično poročanje. To lahko razumemo kot očitno znamenje pokore. Domen Savič, popularni bloger in twiteraš, je stopil še korak dlje. Podjetja, ki so oglaševala v najbolj rumenih medijih, je pozval k umiku oglasov. Ob pomoči drugih vigilantov – čuječih, odgovornih državljanov – je akciji dejansko uspelo doseči odstop več oglaševalcev iz Slovenskih novic in nekaterih drugih medijev, impliciranih v tragediji.

Krivec je identificiran, krivec je osramočen. Je javnost dosegla katarzo?

goya-caprichos

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Tedenski izbor

calvarlist

 

Moraliziranje ima tako na moralizirajočega posameznika nasprotne učinke od pričakovanih. Je kontraproduktivno. Bolj, kot si pripovedujem, kako moralen in integriteten da sem, bolj se bom v to zaciklano prepričal, manj bom tako ravnal. In, ko mi bo okolica nastavila, kot se spodobi, ogledalo, ga bom razbil, ker mi ne bo všeč podoba v njem. Pa čeprav, kot je najbrž vsem jasno, ni in ne more biti krivo ogledalo, ampak le tisti, ki se v njem ogleduje.

Še slabše pa se nam godi, ko moraliziranje z nivoja posameznika potegnemo na raven javnega diskurza in ga celo spremenimo v njegovo paradigmo kot merilo javnega ravnanja. To lahko sproži dve, po svoje znova paradoksalni, reakciji: popolno relativizacijo standardov ravnanja in zavestno, sistematično zavračanje kakršnekoli odgovornosti za svoja javna ravnanja.

Konec moraliziranja – Matej Avbelj, Ius Info

***

In tako se je še enkrat izkazalo, da je poglavitni smisel Zavoda Republike Slovenije za zaposlovanje ta, da nudi delovna mesta uradnikom, ki so tam zaposleni. Včasih se vprašam, zakaj skoraj nobeno svetovanje, ukrep, mehanizem, spodbuda ali delavnica ne služi svojemu dejanskemu namenu, marveč samo kot krmilo za občutek, da nekje neka vladna služba nekaj počenja. Pogosto se vprašam, kaj bi veljalo storiti, da bi bilo drugače. Odgovore še čakam.

Kraj, kjer se končajo sanje – Katja Perat, Delo

 ***

In our day, prejudice against gays is just a very faint shadow of what it once was. But the abolition of prejudice against gays does not necessarily mean that same-sex marriage is inevitable or optimal. There are other avenues available, none of which demands immediate, sweeping, transformational legislation or court judgements.

We are in the middle of a fierce battle that is no longer about rights. It is about a single word, “marriage.”

Two men or two women together is, in truth, nothing like a man and a woman creating a life and a family together. Same-sex relationships are certainly very legitimate, rewarding pursuits, leading to happiness for many, but they are wholly different in experience and nature.

Gay and lesbian activists, and more importantly, the progressives urging them on, seek to redefine marriage in order to achieve an ideological agenda that ultimately seeks to undefine families as nothing more than one of an array of equally desirable “social units,” and thus open the door to the increase of government’s role in our lives.

I’m Gay and I Oppose Same-Sex Marriage – Doug Mainwaring, Public Discourse

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In recent years, progressive politics has been known for its pursuit of social change in the moral realm, with LGBTQ causes at the forefront of its crusade. But the poor have been left behind. In ironic fact, progressives have given up equality for the sake of also giving up virtue.

With old-fashioned virtue, there might be a chance at equality. But “progress” has been determined to consist in the final dismantling of all moral structures that once lent backbone to the demands of the virtuous poor. Without meaningful work, there can be no working class. Another way of saying this is that without the kind of work that imparts a working-class identity, the working class can have no class-consciousness.

People need work. The poor—and all of us—are made virtuous in part by the need to labor; to struggle, not with one another in the sense of “class struggle,” but with our bodies and within our souls; to practice the virtues of diligence and self-denial; to have something to show for ourselves. If the “virtuous poor” are virtuous, it is because work has made them so. Take away work, and you take away humanity. That goes for the elite, too.

Are We Proving Marx Right? – The Hipster Conservative

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The current trends in America, Wall Street getting richer, everyone else getting poorer, politicians of both parties feeding brazenly at Wall Street’s trough, the party of the Left in full blown attack gear not on inequality, which it has done nothing to address, but picking at and rubbing raw the scabs of identity politics—this can’t keep going on indefinitely without something really bad happening.

Abandoned by the Left – Scott McConnell, The American Conservative

***

Increasingly the divides in American life are not between those who defend equality of opportunity versus those who demand equality of result, as Nisbet argued. Rather they are between whether freedom and voluntary association on a more local level can win out over coercion and bureaucracy at an ever more distant national level. Kunkel’s desire for sustainable production by worker-owned businesses and grassroots democratic decision-making seems to envision a new kind of politics, more local and left-libertarian in nature, that transcends easy categorization. And if there is a genuine mood rising among Americans, particularly the young, toward a return to smallness and democratic self-control throughout American society, then the argument now should revolve around means.

What’s Left After Marx – Matthew Hartwood, The American Conservative

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Conservatives should embrace him /Foucault/ and his work. From a conservative perspective, the great thing about Foucault’s writing is that it is more plastic than Marx, and far less economically subversive. Academics rooted in Foucauldian thought are far more compatible with neoliberalism than the old Marxist academics.

In some ways, Zamora’s book is an effort by some on the left to try to “discipline” Foucault’s flirtation with the right. It will be interesting to see the academic left’s response to the book. But Zamora also reveals why free-marketeers might want to give Foucault another read and not just dismiss him with the “post-modern” epithet.

Why Michel Foucault is the libertarian’s best friend – Daniel W. Dresner, The Washington Post

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Given Chesterton and Burke, there exists a liberalism consistent with right reason and revelation. Extension of economic and political liberalism into all-encompassing worldviews would be an American heresy. But one can take them to be prudent means—of negative liberty for the sake of trade and civic liberties under the rule of law—when rightly ordered toward proper ends known by natural reason and revelation. As Chesterton writes in What I Saw in America: “The unconscious democracy of America is a very fine thing. It is a true and deep and instinctive assumption of the equality of citizens, which even voting and elections have not destroyed.”

Different Kinds of Liberalism – Ryan Schinkel, Ethika Politika

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Havlu je Srednja Evropa je omogočala vizijo neke drugačne, demokratične Češke (oziroma Češkoslovaške). Njegova osebnost je bila zato tudi za druge srednjeevropske države monumentalnega pomena. Na prvi pogled se morda res zdi, da je ideja o Srednji Evropi nek romantičen in nostalgičen pojem, ki se navzven lepo sliši, znotraj pa je votel. Ali kot piše Jančar: »Kaj nas resnično druži v srednjeevropskem prostoru, je precej nedorečeno. Zdaj se naenkrat kaže, da nas je bolj združeval odpor do njegove razdeljenosti kot pa sorodna kulturna vprašanja.« Svobodna demokratična družba, pluralizem, spoštovanje temeljnih človekovih pravic, odprtost in prevzemanje odgovornosti pa vendarle ostajajo nekatere skupne vrednote srednjeevropskega prostora, ki povezujejo, če že ne vladajoče strukture, pa predvsem ljudi, ki živijo na tem prostoru. To pa so prav vrednote, ki jih pooseblja Havlovo življenje.

Srednja Evropa Václava Havla – Jernej Letnar Černič, Razpotja

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Ne glede na dejanske in objektivno ugotovljive razloge za kršitve in napake, ki so se zgodile v sodni kalvariji, znani kot afera Patria, se bo za dobršen del prebivalstva ta zgodba kazala kot zadnja etapa te izključevalne prakse.
Posledice bodo vsaj dvojne.

Prvič, Janševi podporniki bodo za kršitve človekovih pravic v zadevi Patria klicali na odgovornost ne le dejanskih in objektivnih krivcev, temveč celotni slovenski mainstream; to se pravi vse tiste, ki ne spadajo v njihov krog.

Drugič: če živiš v okolju, kjer ti še pri najbolj očitnih in eklatantnih kršitvah tvojih osnovnih pravic na pomoč priskočijo skoraj izključno le podporniki in kjer se politična kritika takoj pretvori v podporo politični izločitvi, potem je logično, da lahko računaš le na podpornike. In če lahko računaš le na podpornike in če od tistih, ki ne spadajo mednje, ne moreš pričakovati niti osnovne državljanske in človeške empatije, potem je logično, da postane lojalnost glavni, celo edini kriterij selekcije.

Družba, ki se začne organizirati po teh principih – ki so, povejmo jasno, principi klanovstva –, se začenja nevarno oddaljevati od razmer demokratičnega sobivanja.

Kako je Janez Janša postal državni sovražnik številka ena – Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Planet Siol.net

***

As these examples of democratic regression into various forms of ‘illiberal democracy’ in Central and Eastern Europe show, democratic consolidation is still far from complete. The most disturbing detail is the vulnerability of ‘consolidated democracies’ such as Hungary or Slovenia to ‘democratic regression’, which reminds us that democracies are inherently unable of being ‘definitely established’. While significant progress in the development of ‘electoral democracy’ in the region has been achieved, ‘liberal democracy’ still remains fragile and weak. Moreover, the legal institutions of liberal democracy in Central and Eastern European countries significantly differ from those of their Western European counterparts. Behind a façade of harmonised legal rules transposed from various EU legal sources, several cracks have begun to appear, exposing the fragility of constitutional democracy in these countries.

As a consequence, Central and Eastern European countries are once again displaying certain features of “lands in between” which call attention to their constantly precarious and indeterminate location on the political map of Europe. Zwischen-Europa, as some interwar German writers called it, lies in the territory between the West and the Russian East and is said to have been the “unfinished part of Europe” for most of the 20th century. Its political and legal institutions were similarly “caught” in between the democratic West and the authoritarian East.

Academics should be careful not to exaggerate the progress made by Central and Eastern Europe since the fall of the Berlin Wall – Ivan T. Berend, Bojan Bugarič, LSE Blog

***

Skeptics have been planning the EU’s funeral for decades, but time and again, the union has refused to die. During the EU’s latest and most profound crisis, national governments once more chose to reaffirm and deepen their commitments. This rapid growth of EU power, however, has given rise to a number of misguided and counterproductive policies that have undercut public support and left the EU in a deep malaise. European citizens today largely ignore the EU’s many achievements or take them for granted, instead equating the organization with economic pain and feckless leadership. The union endures, but it has lost its mojo.

The EU has worn out its default strategy of muddling through crises. Lurching from one calamity to the next has damaged the credibility of Brussels and national governments alike. It is time for a bold and far-reaching agenda. To see a Europe truly reborn and fit for the twenty-first century, EU leaders must reassert with confidence—on the economy, on security, and on democracy—that Europe is stronger when it stands united.

Europe Reborn. How to Save the European Union from Irrelevance – Matthias Matthijs & R. Daniel Kelemen, Foreign Affairs

***

Narodno identiteto bomo zgubili zaradi ležernosti, neaktivnosti, ne-ljubezni do domovine, ne pa zato, ker bi v stiski priskočili na pomoč ljudem, ki nas potrebujejo. Najlažje je ljubiti svoje. A Kristus nas poziva, da ljubimo tujce. »Tujec sem bil in ste me sprejeli.« (Mt 25, 35).

Če že ne moremo začeti ljubiti, ker smo to najčistejše čustvo umazali in pocukrali, se sklicujmo vsaj na pravičnost in mir.

Tujec sem bil in me niste sprejeli – Irena Vadnjal, Časnik

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During the Korean War, alarmed by the shocking rapidity of American POWs’ breakdowns and indoctrination by their communist captors, the CIA began investing in mind-control research. In 1953, the CIA established the MK-ULTRA program, whose earliest phase involved hypnosis, electroshock and hallucinogenic drugs. The program evolved into experiments in psychological torture that adapted elements of Soviet and Chinese models, including longtime standing, protracted isolation, sleep deprivation and humiliation. Those lessons soon became an applied “science” in the Cold War.

During the Vietnam War, the CIA developed the Phoenix program, which combined psychological torture with brutal interrogations, human experimentation and extrajudicial executions. In 1963, the CIA produced a manual titled “Kubark Counterintelligence Interrogation” to guide agents in the art of extracting information from “resistant” sources by combining techniques to produce “debility, disorientation and dread.” Like the communists, the CIA largely eschewed tactics that violently target the body in favor of those that target the mind by systematically attacking all human senses in order to produce the desired state of compliance.

(…)

(B)ecause the concept of torture has been so muddled and disputed, I suggest that accountability would be more publicly palatable if we reframed the CIA’s program as one of human experimentation. If we did so, it would be more difficult to laud or excuse perpetrators as “patriots” who “acted in good faith.” Although torture has become a Rorschach test among political elites playing to public opinion on the Sunday morning talk shows, human experimentation has no such community of advocates and apologists.

The CIA Didn’t Just Torture, It Experimented on Human Beings – Lisa Hajjar, The Nation

Tedenski izbor

reading-bus

And yet, since Rivlin was elected President, in June, he has become Israel’s most unlikely moralist. Rivlin—not a left-wing writer from Tel Aviv, not an idealistic justice of the Supreme Court—has emerged as the most prominent critic of racist rhetoric, jingoism, fundamentalism, and sectarian violence, the highest-ranking advocate among Jewish Israelis for the civil rights of the Palestinians both in Israel and in the occupied territories. Last month, he told an academic conference in Jerusalem, “It is time to honestly admit that Israel is sick, and it is our duty to treat this illness.”

Around Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year, Rivlin made a video in which he sat next to an eleven-year-old Palestinian Israeli boy from Jaffa who had been bullied: the two held up cards to the camera calling for empathy, decency, and harmony. “We are exactly the same,” one pair read. A couple of weeks ago, Rivlin visited the Arab town of Kafr Qasim to apologize for the massacre, in 1956, of forty-eight Palestinian workers and children by Israeli border guards. No small part of the Palestinian claim is that Israel must take responsibility for the Arab suffering it has caused. Rivlin said, “I hereby swear, in my name and that of all our descendants, that we will never act against the principle of equal rights, and we will never try and force someone from our land.”

Israel’s One-State Reality – David Remnick, The New Yorker

***

Zaradi ljubega kulturniškega miru se denar deli po načelu vsakemu malo in tako ni več ustanove, ki bi se lahko ponašala z vsebinskimi presežki, saj so ti v veliki meri odvisni tudi od denarja. Galerije in muzeji tako nimajo dovolj denarja za odkupe dragih del, ne gostijo velikih razstav iz tujine, slabša je ponudba na glasbenih in gledaliških odrih.

Ali konkretneje: ali Slovenci potrebujemo 167 muzejev, galerij in razstavišč, večinoma javnih, od katerih jih je zgolj likovni umetnosti namenjenih 72? Če nanje gledamo kot na stabilno zaposlitveno oazo, jih potrebujemo, iz zornih kotov zanimanja javnosti, pomena za družbo in gospodarnosti pa niti ne.

Ali Slovenci potrebujemo 167 muzejev, galerij in razstavišč – Jožica Grgič, Delo

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Medijske hiše so okužene s paraziti, ki se igrajo novinarje, so za to dobro plačani, njihov izplen pa bi bil na trgu — kjer vsi mediji z izjemo RTV Slovenija tudi so — tako mizeren, da bi jim še iz Ajpesa in Dursa stisnili focen. Verjamem, da so si številni z delom v preteklosti (ko pa vsekakor niso bili v takšni poziciji, kot smo sedaj mi) zaslužili svoje pozicije, vendar kako lahko sobiva v idiotski simbiozi delavcev neko podjetje, kjer nekateri uživajo vse pravice, ki pa so nedosegljivi privilegiji v očeh tistih, ki jih ne samo, da ne nimajo, temveč zanje še plačujejo?!?!?!

Sam še vedno verjamem v moč novinarstva, v dobre novinarje in dobre zgodbe. Verjamem, da se bodo na internetu nekateri znali prilagoditi. Če bi Guardian, ki ima z brezplačnim dostopom več bralcev kot plačljivi New York Times na spletu (pa je Anglija, koliko, petkrat manjša od ZDA?), danes zakasiral svojim bralcem vsebino, v katero toliko vlagajo, bi zlahka preživel (kot bi tudi YouTube).

Problem nastane, ko v zgodbe, novinarje in novinarsto ne verjamejo več sodelavci in ustvarijo delovno okolje, v kateri so najbolj brani in najbolj spoštovani novinarji katalizator favšije. Od bralcev pa prav ti, ki šimfajo in so favš, ne bi mogli biti dlje. Dol jim visi zanje.

Zbogom, tipkovnica – Jaša Lorenčič

***

As the world marked the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, it was hard to sit here in Hungary and celebrate the end of Soviet-style communism. Looking at the actions of the Fidesz Government, it feels more like we are caught in a retro nightmare, and the whole system, or something like it, is starting up again.

The parallels to old-style communism are everywhere:

• the effort to control the media, which began as soon as Fidesz took power in 2010;
• the reduction of seats in Parliament and redrawing of voting districts in an attempt to ensure one-party rule;
• the special taxes on banks, telecoms, the media – businesses making what government officials bizarrely describe as an “unfair” profit;
• the nationalization of industries;
• the love affair with Moscow and criticism of Western Europe and America;
• the questioning of capitalism without proposing any reasonable alternative.

Along with all these maneuvers, there is also an apparent effort to create a new proletariat, a hard-working, underpaid underclass of people who must learn to enjoy Hungary, because they cannot afford to leave it.

Communism Is Dead, but Its Spirit Lives – Tom Popper, Budapest Business Journal

***

Letting kids who are behavior problems in schools grow up to become hoodlums and then criminals is no favor to them or to the black community. Moreover, it takes no more than a small fraction of troublemakers in a class to make it impossible to give that class a decent education. And for many poor people, whether black or white, education is their one big chance to escape poverty.

The people in the Obama administration who are pushing this counterproductive policy are not stupid. They are political, which is worse. They know what they are doing and they are willing to sacrifice young blacks to do it.

Racial Quota Punishment – Thomas Sowell, Townhall.com

***

Obstaja samo en nagon, ki ga je težje zatreti kot seksualnega: in to je nagon, da bi izpadli pametni.

Ni neverjetno, da so vsi hoteli videti ta video. Čudno bi bilo, če ga ne bi. Sex sells. Videli so ga tudi ljudje, ki jim sicer ne pride na misel, da bi gledali porniče, vendar so posnetek dojeli kot dokumentarec in s tem legitimirali svojo radovednost. Tudi prav.

Kar je zares neverjetno, so iz tega izpeljane intelektualne in moralne implikacije.

Najprej so bili tu skratka tisti, ki so v posnetku videli dokumentarno vrednost in iz njega polizali nekaj zimzelenih modrosti o katastrofalnem stanju v slovenskem šolstvu.

Ni perverzno seksati v šoli. Ni perverzno gledati seks v šoli. Ni perverzno skrivaj snemati seks v šoli. Perverzno je gledati seks v šoli in govoriti o šolstvu.

Seks v šoli – Marko Crnkovič, Primorske novice

***

What it also proved is that elements of the Left are working hard to define new parameters for freedom of speech. You are free to speak so long as it doesn’t offend certain sensibilities, which of course amounts to no real freedom at all. I’m reminded of the old Puritan ethic that a human being had liberty only in so far as that liberty led them to salvation. Any practice of liberty that led away from God represented slavery to lies and was thus outlawed – for the good of the so-called sinner. Many on the Left imitate the very authoritarian mindset of the people on the religious Right that they claim to hate, likewise trying to safeguard their definition of freedom by eradicating contrary ideas. On the subject of abortion, the Left can enjoy that authoritarianism because contemporary society broadly agrees with them. But a day will come when they try to argue for something that proves unpopular and they, too, will be gagged. And I’ll be there to defend their right to say something that I disagree with.

Because the older you get the more you realise that just as important as your beliefs are your freedom to articulate them without fear. I guess maturity makes wet liberals of us all.

Oxford students shut down abortion debate. Free speech is under assault on campus – Tim Stanley, Daily Telegraph