Tedenski izbor

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V danih razmerah je tako edino upanje za zlom demagoške koalicije to, da se SMC, SDS in NSi naučijo delati skupaj. NSi je s predlogom »ukrepov za nižje davke« (o katerih kakšno več rečem v prihodnje) podala roko za vsebinsko sodelovanje. To je lahko prvi korak, da te stranke pokažejo, ali premorejo zrelost in državotvornost za antidemagoško koalicijo.

Za normalizacijo potrebujemo antidemagoško koalicijo – Rok Novak, Finance

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Pazite to: samo v Sloveniji je mogoče, da so mediji, ki so utemeljeni na uredniških hiperintelektualnih komentarjih o demokratičnem socializmu, polni pa jih denar iz davčnih oaz, sprejeti kot kredibilni levičarski mediji.

(…)

Lastniki, ki se vdajajo paradržavnim bankam, razumejo davčne oaze kot bistveni element poslovanja, sklepajo kravje kupčije in so vsi po vrsti pod drobnogledom preiskovalnih organov. To so danes Delo, Dnevnik in Mladina, vir resnice za naše borce proti kapitalizmu.

Celoten “bulšit” slovenskih mainstream tiskanih medijev na enem mestu! – Kizo, Portal Plus

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This procedure represented a major transference of wealth. The losers were savers, people living on salaries, creditors of private dollarized contracts like mortgages, and many more. All of them saw their income and savings liquefied by an imposed exchange rate and the eroding power of inflation.

(…)

The prestigious economist Carlos Rodríguez Braun says that if devaluations were the way to economic success, Argentina would be rich and Switzerland would be poor. Leaving the common currency will definitely bring to the Greek population most, if not all, of the problems that leaving convertibility brought to Argentinian citizens. As to the advantages, they remain to be seen.

Argentina 2001, Greece 2015? – Federico N. Fernández, Free Market Diaries

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Like many Germans, Guardini loved to vacation in Italy, and he took particular delight in the lake region around Milan. He was enchanted (…) by the physical beauty of the area, but what intrigued him above all was the manner in which human beings, through their architecture and craftsmanship, interacted non-invasively and respectfully with nature. When he first came to the region, he noticed, for example, how the homes along Lake Como imitated the lines and rhythms of the landscape and how the boats that plied the lake did so in response to the swelling and falling of the waves. But by the 1920’s, he had begun to notice a change. The homes being built were not only larger, but more “aggressive,” indifferent to the surrounding environment, no longer accommodating themselves to the natural setting.

(…)

It is only against this Guardinian background that we can properly read the Pope’s latest encyclical. Whatever his views on global warming, they are situated within the far greater context of a theology of nature that stands athwart the typically modern point of view. (…) In the spirit of the author of the book of Genesis, the Biblical prophets, Irenaeus, Thomas Aquinas, Francis of Assisi—indeed of any great pre-modern figure—Pope Francis wants to recover a properly cosmological sensibility, whereby the human being and her projects are in vibrant, integrated relation with the world that surrounds her.

Laudato Si’ and Romano Guardini – Robert Barron, Word on Fire

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Perhaps our immediate future fits neither the dynamist nor the catastrophist framework.

We might have entered a kind of stagnationist position, a sustainable decadence, in which the issues Pope Francis identifies percolate without reaching a world-altering boil.

In that case, the deep critique our civilization deserves will have to be advanced without the threat of imminent destruction. The arguments in “Laudato Si’ ” will still resonate, but they will have to be structured around a different peril: Not a fear that the particular evils of our age can’t last, but the fear that actually, they can.

Pope Francis’ Call to Action Goes Beyond the Environment – Ross Douthat, The New York Times

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I can think of no better education of the eyes than Eucharistic adoration. By stretching the eye to its utmost, demanding that it see in an appearance the real presence of God, we are taught to see the person in and through any appearance. If I see God in bread, how can I not see the person in the prostitute? If I see the God-man in the tabernacle, how can I not see the man in the doorway? If I see the person of Christ lifted up in the hands of the priest, how can I can I not see the person of the newborn as she is lifted to her mothers breast? The most difficult task of the eye is completed at church — it makes seeing-in-the-world like walking after a sprint.

Eucharistic Eyes – Marc Barnes, Bad Catholic

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Dogajanje z begunci zahteva poglobljeno debato in pošten pogled na prihodnost naše celine. Begunci, ki prihajajo k nam, pripadajo popolnoma drugačnim kulturam. S svojim prihodom in visoko nataliteto počasi, a vztrajno versko, vrednostno in nasploh civilizacijsko spreminjajo Evropo in jo nekako prilagajajo sebi. To ni vrednostna sodba, to je dejstvo, vsem na očeh. Vprašanje za nas ni, ali se tega bojimo; pravo vprašanje je, ali si tega spreminjanja želimo.

Enotni smo si v tem, da je treba beguncem pomagati, vendar na način, ki bo za njih koristen in za nas vzdržen.

O beguncih malo drugače – Federico V. Potočnik, Nova Slovenija

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Die autochthonen Europäer sollen offensichtlich auf jegliche nationale,kulturelle, religiöse sowie letztlich auch auf eine traditionelle sexuelle Identität verzichten. Selbst die radikalsten kommunistischen Intellektuellen gingen seinerzeit in ihren Forderungen nicht so weit. Die Diskussionen nehmen geradezu groteske Formen an. Die Eliten der Gesellschaft werden nicht müde, große Teile der eigenen Bevölkerung des Rassismus und der Xenophobie zu bezichtigen, während große Teile der Bevölkerung längst das Vertrauen in die vermeintlichen politischen und medialen Vordenker verloren haben.

(…)

Kollektive Verirrungen wie der Kommunismus, der Faschismus oder der Nationalsozialismus waren reversibel: Nach ihrem Scheitern konnte auf das kulturelle und religiöse Erbe Europas zurückgegriffen werden, und neue zivilisierte, demokratische Gemeinwesen entstanden. Werden jedoch die einheimischen Bevölkerungen zur Minderheit, dann ist dieser Weg der zivilisatorischen Regeneration versperrt

Islamisierung Europas: Nein, ich habe keine Visionen – Michael Ley, Die Presse

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In Deutschland werden im Jahr 2050 nur noch rund 70 Millionen Einwohner leben. Jeder zehnte Bürger wird dann muslimischen Glaubens sein, also sieben Millionen deutsche Muslime. Für ganz Europa wird gelten: Jeder zehnte Bürger ist muslimischen Glaubens. Zum Vergleich: 2010 war es nur jeder 17. Europa ist den Forschern zufolge der einzige Kontinent, dessen Bevölkerung schrumpfen wird – und zwar um 100 Millionen Menschen auf 454 Millionen Bürger im Jahr 2050. Fast ein Viertel der Europäer (23 Prozent) werden dann keine Religionszugehörigkeit mehr haben.

Muslime – die Gewinner des demographischen Wandels – Dietrich Alexander, Die Welt

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The fundamental reason for the Left’s unpopularity is that it still hasn’t answered the biggest question it has faced since the second world war: what does it mean to be left-wing when the money has run out? Left-wing parties used to keep their rainbow coalitions together by showering money on different interest groups.

The left’s great global downturn – Tim Montgomerie, CapX

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Ampakliberalizem je pač edini liberalizem, ki ga naši politiki poznajo, in ni čudno, da se človekove pravice že skoraj četrt stoletja predvsem prilagajajo razmerjem moči v slovenskem parlamentu in da četrt stoletja različne družbene skupine čakajo, kdaj bodo njim naklonjene stranke tvorile parlamentarno večino in bodo lahko pravice, ki jim po ustavi pripadajo, tudi uveljavile.

Et tu, Luka? – Goran Vojnović, Dnevnik

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Vseeno sem ga povprašal še, kaj bi naredil s socialnimi transferji in na moje skorajda presenečenje je odgovoril: “če bi nas država ne naredila odvisnih od nje, bi z ljudje z veseljem pomagali. Tako pa ne. Distancirani so od realnosti. Češ ‘država bo rešila’ in gredo naprej. Prelagajo, prelagamo odgovornost za sočloveka. To ni prav.

Slovenija je država sužnjev – Matic Jelovčan

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At the heart of the original American ideal is the deep distrust and suspicion the founders of our nation had for Congress, distrust and suspicion not shared as much by today’s Americans. Some of the founders’ distrust is seen in our Constitution’s language, such as Congress shall not abridge, infringe, deny, disparage, violate or deny. If the founders did not believe Congress would abuse our God-given rights, they would not have provided those protections.

Maybe there are Americans who would argue that we are moving toward greater liberty and less government control over our lives and no longer need to remain an armed citizenry. I’d like to see their evidence.

Constitutional Ignorance and Dereliction – Walter E. Williams, The New American

 

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Tedenski izbor

branje14

V Sloveniji bi radikalen umik države iz gospodarstva in zlasti bančništva dejansko naredil čudež, saj bi politiki vzel instrument, s katerim je doslej zagotavljala svojo reprodukcijo. Zato je edina rešitev za Slovenijo danes radikalna, obsežna privatizacija, zlasti bank, v kateri lastniki (domači ali še bolje tuji) ne bodo mogli računati, da bo njihove dolgove pokrila država, pa tudi, da ne bodo izpostavljeni pritiskom politike ter bodo podjetja lahko vodili odgovorno, s tem pa tudi uspešno.

Država, ki jo je zapustil zdrav razum – Matevž Sedej, Časnik

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Tedenski izbor

branje0

Upam, da bo ob branju današnjega zapisa postalo jasno ne le, da je povsem zmotna teza o nezdružljivosti koncepta ekonomije delitve s tržnim gospodarstvom, ampak da v resnici šele v kombinaciji s tržnim sistemom ta koncept zares zacveti. In kot tak ponuja možnosti izjemnih razsežnosti.

(…)

Če se za konec spomnite na sestavine velike obogatitve, o kateri sem pisal prejšnjikrat (torej na motivacije, institucije in ideje), boste v sodobnem razmahu ekonomije delitve (in povezanega mikropodjetništva, ki nastaja še posebno pri aktivaciji pasivnega človeškega kapitala) na delu prepoznali vse tri elemente. Motivacije v obliki zaslužka (v nekaterih primerih pa pač le zadovoljstva, če je transakcija izvedena zastonj), neformalne institucije in nove oblike organiziranja, ki poenostavljajo in cenijo transakcije, ter ideje vse večjega števila ljudi, ki prepoznavamo in slavimo novi val souporabe kot vir delovnih mest, nove dodane vrednosti, okoljsko prijaznejše rabe sredstev in podobno. Seveda pa bitka za to etapo obogatitve človeštva še ni dobljena.

Ekonomija delitve: poslovni model za 21. stoletja – Rok Novak, Finance

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Ideja politične accountability ni le heterogena, temveč tudi neskladna s socialističnim modelom vladanja, vsaj takšnim, kakršnega smo poznali v dvajsetem stoletju. Kajti katera oblast mora nenehno polagati račune? Katero oblast je treba nenehno nadzorovati, sumiti, katera oblast je vselej na pragu nelegitimnosti? Seveda, to je oblast, kot jo razume liberalna politična tradicija. Transparentna oblast, podvržena demokratičnemu nadzoru, oblast, ki mora nenehno odgovarjati tako strankarskemu članstvu kot tudi parlamentarni opoziciji, oblast, ki jo lahko v vsakem trenutku zamenja pretendentska vlada, je liberalna oblast. In zelo verjetno je, da ta oblast ni združljiva z gospodarskim in družbenim reformizmom, kot ga predlagajo mladi evropski socialisti. Projekti, kot so nacionalizacija in plansko gospodarstvo, zahtevajo, nasprotno, neproblematično vlado. Močna država, ki upravlja z velikimi državnimi korporacijami, država, ki načrtuje dolgotrajne socialne, gospodarske in infrastrukturne projekte, ne more biti osnovana na politiki, ki nenehno postavlja pod vprašaj samo razmerje vladanja. Bog najbolje ve, da je socializem dvomil o mnogo stvareh; a nikdar ni dvomil o vladanju.

Začetništvo in vrstništvo – Aljoša Kravanja, revija Razpotja

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Tedenski izbor


branje6

“I wouldn’t call myself a conservative, but neither would I own to liberal. I’ll take just plain old “Catholic,” thanks” – writes with the following thought experiment:

Imagine a gay male couple who have been together for 20 years. They live nearby. You know them well, having a friendly non-political neighborly relationship. You borrow the odd egg, watch each other’s pets when somebody is on vacation, maybe chat at the annual 4th of July party. You are an orthodox Christian who runs a bakery business. Now apply the following scenarios:

A) One of the gay guys has a birthday. His partner asks you to bake the cake. Would you?

B) One of the gay guys dies. His partner asks you to bake the cake for the reception after the funeral. Would you?

C) Marriage is suddenly legalized in your state. They marry and ask you to bake the cake. Would you?

Seems to me that if the answer is no, no, and no, then you ought to examine yourself for homophobia.

But if the answer is yes, yes and no – that’s my answer – then you are arguably simply being principled. I can say “yes” to A and B because I can honor their friendship and loyalty to each other, their faithful service to each other over years. However, I say “no” to C because marriage is not an institution that can be defined entirely in terms of affection, loyalty and service. Or even eros or heartfelt private romantic feelings. Marriage includes all those things, but it exists is a social institution because the fertility of male and female potentially creates uniquely public consequences (children).

The left disputes my premise for saying no to C. Fine, let’s have that debate. People of goodwill can disagree.

But we are not even allowed to have that debate. My side’s case is dismissed by the liberal elite because they think people like me are haters.

Given that I want to say yes to situations A and B, I think it’s demonstrable that I’m not a hater or homophobe. I am not frightened of gay people and I do not hate them. I just do not think that what they are doing is marriage, and I think calling what they’re doing “marriage” will obscure what marriage is.

Cake and Cosmology – Rod Dreher, The American Conservative

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The only clear biblical meta-narrative is about male and female. Sex is an area of Jewish law that Jesus explicitly makes stricter. What we now call the “traditional” view of sexuality was a then-radical idea separating the early church from Roman culture, and it’s remained basic in every branch of Christianity until very recently. Jettisoning it requires repudiating scripture, history and tradition (…)

I take a different view of what they could have known. But yes, the evidence that homosexuality isn’t chosen — along with basic humanity — should inspire repentance for cruelties visited on gay people by their churches. But at Christianity’s bedrock is the idea that we are all in the grip of an unchosen condition, an “original” problem that our wills alone cannot overcome. So homosexuality’s deep origin is not a trump card against Christian teaching.

Interview With a Christian – Ross Douthat, The New York Times

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I was raised by a lesbian couple and had to build bridges to my estranged father in my late twenties. Much of the connection to my father and the benefits of growing up with him were irreparably lost by the time I was a grown man—but at least, I knew who my father was and where to find him. I could salvage my ancestry.

A new generation of children will not even have that consolation I had. Conceived in loveless fertility clinics, gestated in the wombs of women they will never meet, trafficked from poor biological families with the help of complicit governments, “adopted” through a social services system corrupted by money and political pressure, or torn from their birth parents by family court judges who are desperate to please the gay lobby, the new generation of children will be far worse off than I was.

When the debate over gay marriage has receded, when their gay guardians are dead and buried, when the world has moved on, these children will still never be able to recover their heritage.

After Indiana, Gay-Marriage Supporters Should Look in the Mirror – Robert Oscar Lopez, Ethika Politika

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Naš cilj je bil tudi, narediti konec enoumju, ki se v razpravi o privatizaciji ustvarja, ko mediji kot protiutež nasprotnikom privatizacije prikazujejo ljudi, ki v ključnost obsežne privatizacije sploh ne verjamejo, ampak jo zagovarjajo zgolj v zelo omejeni obliki, kot nujno zlo za pokrivanje preteklih dolgov in ugodno nadaljnje zadolževanje za tekoče potrebe proračuna, ki jih niso pripravljeni oklestiti. Tudi to dvoje sta relevantna razloga, gotovo. Nista pa ne edina ne najbolj pomembna, zato je bila dosedanja razprava brez sogovornikov, ki bi to jasno povedali, izkrivljena.

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Zaključim naj z odgovorom na slogan: »Prodaja ni ne prostovoljna, ne poštena in ne pravična!«, ki ga slišimo iz druge strani te razprave.

Neprostovoljno je prav državno lastništvo, saj nam je prebivalcem vsiljeno in brez naše privolitve vzdrževano z našimi sredstvi. Nepoštena je trditev, da gre za »naša« podjetja, ko pa se o njih in za njih nikakor ne odločamo državljani, ampak jih kot bankomat uporabljajo interesne mreže. Nepravično je, da moramo davkoplačevalci nositi tveganje, ko se politiki odločijo igrati podjetnike in borzne posrednike z našim denarjem. Neprostovoljno, nepošteno in nepravično je, da je račun centralnega plana vedno znova izstavljen davkoplačevalcem. Naredimo temu konec.

Kaj je prinesla pobuda ZA privatizacijo? – Rok Novak, Časnik

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family-reading

 

There are also the religious traditions, ones that meld with awe and wonder to make the holiday both beautiful and holy. Advent, brimming over with both theology and beauty, helps us refocus on the meaning beyond the temporal. It takes the material and makes it transcendent. It turns the simple—candles, words, songs, prayers—into timeless moments. Christmas hymns, sweet and haunting, transform our normal cadences of worship into something new, yet incredibly old: they transform our patterns of praise into timely yet timeless reverence. These are the most important traditions of the Christmas season.

Considering Tradition – Gracy Olmstead, The American Conservative

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Država za normalno delovanje potrebuje sposobne in profesionalne uradnike ter državnike. Pri nas se zdi, da prevladujejo apartčiki, birokrati in ne ravno bleščeči politiki.

Aparatčik se odlikuje po preprosti veri in zvestobi sistemu. To je vera, ki najbolje uspeva v odsotnosti razsodnosti in razuma: res je tisto, kar reče šef, toliko bolj, če enako govori tudi Šef. Šef z veliko in oni z malo začetnico seveda dobro vesta, da zvestoba ni zastonj, zato poskrbita za svojega vernika. Državni aparat v socializmu je deloval po tem načelu in glede na slovenski model demokratizacije (smo za spremembo, ampak tako, da se razen imena ne bo nič spremenilo) ne more presenečati, da javni sektor povečini še vedno deluje po tem načelu.

Lubi Slouenci – Peter Lah, Planet Siol

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Vse skupaj je tako absurdno, da nam kot argumente nasprotniki privatizacije navajajo že to, da se oni slabo počutijo, ker na Brniku zdaj pristanejo na nemškem letališču, kot je pred dnevi potožila Violeta Tomič. Pa čakajte malo, bi mar morali sodržavljani gospe plačati letališče, da bo njej prihranjen nek iracionalen občutek?! A takšna je ta družba enakih in enakopravnih, da so preference tistih pri koritu vsiljene vsem? No, saj v resnici to ne preseneča – gre za sestavni del družbenopolitičnega sistema, ki ga gospa zagovarja. Tudi njen strankarski kolega Luka Mesec razkriva podobne tendence, ko vzklika, da je državno lastništvo v podjetjih še zadnji vzvod [centralnoplanske politike], ki ga imajo. In odgovarjam mu: saj! Natanko zato je privatizacija nujna.

Za boljše leto 2015 – Rok Novak, Finance

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The depravity and barbarism of a movement such as the Islamic State can obscure the disturbing reality: namely, that the politicisation of culture, and its intolerant consequences, is gaining strength across the world. It has certainly contributed to the hardening of the rivalry between the West and Russia.

(…)

The problem with international cultural crusades is not the actual values – many of the sentiments promoted by Western institutions are worthy and enlightened ones. No, the problem is that such crusades assume that Western states possess the moral authority to question, undermine and change the laws and values of communities throughout the world. When diplomacy and geopolitics become entwined with the attempt to affirm the moral superiority of a way of life, the outcome is always unpredictable.

The real danger with the globalisation of the Culture Wars is that it threatens to confuse diplomatic problems with existential questions that touch on a people’s way of life.

The Year the Culture Wars Went Global – Frank Furedi, Spiked

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Nobene težave nimam z uvrščanjem ljudi na levo, na desno in na sredino. Nekateri so konservativni, drugi progresivni, nekateri so etatisti, drugi liberalci. Razlike morajo biti, razlike so dobre, razlike delajo polemike zanimive, v polemikah se brusijo ideje.

Ne sprejemam pa ločevanja duhov, tega, da med nami gradijo čedalje višji zid. Za ta zid si želim, da leta 2015 pade. To ni tisti naš domači berlinski zid iz leta 1945, o katerem prava desnica trdi, da ga vzdržuje udbomafija. To je zid, ki ga gradijo skupaj in ki preprečuje, da bi se razumno pogovarjali o tem, kako našo državo spet spraviti v gibanje.

Ločitev duhov 2015? Ne, hvala – Žiga Turk, Planet Siol

Tedenski izbor

1960s-ladies-reading

No, leta 1991, ko je Slovenija stopala na pot – žal le navidezne, ampak to je že druga tema –, demokracije, je bila sramotna sodba iz leta 1947, ki je uničila življenje Angele Vode in večine drugih udeležencev čarovniškega Nagodetovega procesa, končno uradno razveljavljena, Angela pa je bila posthumno oprana vseh krivd in sramote. A tudi to nikoli ne bo spremenilo dejstva, da je ta oseba morala celo življenje strahotno trpeti in na koncu ponižujoče umreti. Od lakote. Ja, od lakote. V Jugoslaviji, kjer ste vi imeli vse, kajne? Ah, verjamem, seveda ste imeli vse. Tam, čez mejo, ste res imeli vse. Tudi referenco … današnje združene levice. Ah da, ravno maja prihodnje leto bo minilo natanko 30 let, ko je Angela Vode umrla od lakote. Gospica sodnica Roblek, ki jo citiram na začetku tega sestavka, naj se malo zamisli, koliko je bilo pred 30 leti torej vredno zaupanje slovenskega sodstva!

V Jugoslaviji so ljudje umirali od lakote – Ana Jud, Časnik

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Short of reaching the Moon, today’s Russia does not have the option of new territories elsewhere. Striking back in its habitual sphere of domination only wastes resources that should go into starting afresh. Like pre-WWI Ottoman Empire (and the Austrian), Russia is stuck in the stage of half-hearted reforms alternating with retrenchment, all the while trying to recover past glory.

Like during the Ottoman decay, no external power wishes to promote a collapse of Russia – the result would be too messy and unpredictable.

Like during the Ottoman decay, no external power wishes to promote a collapse of Russia – the result would be too messy and unpredictable. Short of outside jolts, such empires can last. But external jolts do occur. Sometimes the decaying empire unintentionally triggers them by trying to strike back. Germany did not unleash the First World War; Austria did – technologically third class, poorly organized, inept but pugnacious Austria. This was akin to today’s Russia, apart from nuclear weapons, another feature Russia inherited from better days.

This is the broader framework for viewing Russia’s recent actions. We have here another case of a socio-economically decaying society, still mired in nostalgia, still waiting for its Atatürk or de Gaulle. This decaying structure is still capable of considerable mischief.

The Second Crimean War: When Decaying Empires Strike Back – Rein Taagepera, University of Tartu blog

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In sacred architecture, the building and the spaces within serve  to connect users to a deeper reality that transcends its walls. They function as a gateway from the material world to a spiritual realm–the focus is on the eternal, not the object that portends to represent it. In a secular context like Modernism, the object is the thing itself, and all meaning is tied directly to that object.

Art & Religion Need Each Other – Rod Dreher, The American Conservative

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Naj vas ne preseneti, če bo Evropa poizkuse Židana, Erjavca in vseh ostalih razumela na način, da je v dolini Šentflorjanski normalno, da revidiramo sezname, v kolikor niso iz njega izbrani kandidati, ki so po volji najmočnejšim političnim komolčarjem.

Nas moti, da se to tako dela, da je v tem najboljša ravno ona ali da nam odpira oči s pogledom v politično kloako? – Boris Meglič, Portalplus

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Ambiciozna vlada, ki bi želela delati v dobro ljudi, bi si za cilj postavila, da bo v štiriletnem mandatu davčno breme na delo zmanjšala z zdajšnjih 42,5 odstotka pod povprečje OECD (ki je 35,9 odstotka). To bi bilo najprej solidarno, saj bi vsaka odstotna točka davčne razbremenitve povprečnemu zaposlenemu prinesla 208 evrov več letnega dohodka, dobro pa bi bilo tudi za gospodarstvo, ki bi tako lažje motiviralo zaposlene in privabilo naložbe iz tujine, ki jih krvavo potrebujemo, saj razvojnega kapitala trenutno v Sloveniji pač ni dovolj. Politiki bi lahko nabirali celo javnomnenjske točke, sklepali dogovore s socialnimi partnerji o tem, koliko prihranka od sproščenih dajatev naj gre delavcem, koliko delodajalcem in kar je podobne maškarade (čeprav je trapasto, da eno in drugo sploh birokratsko delimo, saj gre tako oboje iz iste vreče tistega, kar zaposleni zasluži). Za priboljšek bi bil zadovoljen še Bruselj, ki bi opazil, da se je Slovenija končno odločila celo preseči kakšno od priporočil, ki izražajo zgolj najbolj nujno.

Državne finance: sodobnim tlačanom, 2. del – Rok Novak, Finance

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A far more serious person, the dissident Russian analyst Andrei Piontkovsky, has recently published an article arguing, along lines that echo Zhirinovsky’s threats, that Putin really is weighing the possibility of limited nuclear strikes — perhaps against one of the Baltic capitals, perhaps a Polish city — to prove that NATO is a hollow, meaningless entity that won’t dare strike back for fear of a greater catastrophe. Indeed, in military exercises in 2009 and 2013, the Russian army openly “practiced” a nuclear attack on Warsaw.

War in Europe is Not a Hysterical Idea – , The Washigton Post

Tedenski izbor

ostrich-newspaper

Dejstvo, da je osemdeset strokovnjakov pol leta pisalo program, ki je skorajda na ravni retardiranosti, pa priča o tem, da ga obdaja ekipa, ki je popolnoma nekredibilna in niti v sanjah ni sposobna odigrati zahtevnejše partije z rentniki.

Če k temu dodamo, da bo Cerar na volitvah odnesel tako silno zmago, da se bodo njegovi kadri zavlekli v vse pore družbe in tam postali ključni izvrševalci, da je bila s Štefancem pred nekaj meseci osvojena še zadnja nadzorna institucija, ki je tako postala mrtvoudna, in da bo medijski filter tesen kot še nikoli, potem je jasno, da je sezona lova na rente odprta in da lahko pričakujemo dokončni potop te institucionalno degenerirane družbe. Ampak v tem ni nič hudega, to je volja ljudstva.

Medtem bo na drugi strani političnega spektra, SDS-u uspelo dokazati, da so SLS in NSi leglo odurnih udbovcev, murgelskih agentov, političnih prevarantov in komunističnih likvidatorjev.

Kdo bo v imenu Saibabe Cerarja plenil po državi? – Kizo, Portal Plus

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Če je torej vaš svetovni nazor res klasično liberalen, potem je vaša vloga v tem svetu lahko samo obstranskega pomena. In če niste ravno preveč nagnjeni k samomorilskemu obnašanju, potem pozabite na velike zgodbe, ki bi vas iz libertarca spremenile v oportunističnega socialnega inženirja. Dojemite že enkrat Rothbarda in Nozicka (tudi če se izključujeta) in temu primerno zavzemite svoj prostor v družbi. Povedano drugače, čistosti misli ne morete ohraniti s statistiko o tem, koliko ljudi ste z jehovskim pogledom in na kratki rok prepričali z vašo zgodbo. In če vas to spoznanje pahne v depresijo, potem se sprijaznite, da ste v resnici zakrinkani totalitarec, ne pa klasični liberalec.

Zakaj morate zavrniti idejo klasičnega liberalizma? – Rado Pezdir, Pogledi

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Zato je korak N.Si naproti v Sloveniji praktično nezastopanemu liberalizmu pogumen. Neizogibno namreč ustvarja trenja med strujami v stranki sami in pretrese v njihovem volilnem telesu. Če bodo želeli širiti svojo bazo prek do zdaj večinoma starejše demografije in ruralnega okolja, imajo pred seboj verjetno še precej izzivov. Za začetek bi jim svetoval, da posvojijo misel Thomasa Jeffersona, ki je – sicer precej veren mož – v razmisleku o toleranci do ljudi, ki mislijo in živijo drugače kot bi on, zapisal: »Če me ne boli in me ne udari po žepu, zakaj bi bilo to meni mar.« In spomnijo naj se nanjo, ko bo prišla znova naokoli kakšna debata o pravicah istospolno usmerjenih ali o marihuani …

Nehajte deliti, česar ni in kar ni vaše – Rok Novak, Finance

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The ethical conservative believes, with Samuel Johnson, in knowledge of the commonsense kind derived from experience, including the historical experience of humanity, which Edmund Burke called “the general bank and capital of nations and of ages.” This kind of conservative sees the usefulness of humble, honest, informed reason, but he honestly concedes, with Socrates, that there is much he does not and cannot know, limited as he is by his particular experience and imperfect reason. He holds much of what he knows tentatively, admitting that he cannot prove conclusively much of what nevertheless seems certainly so. He accepts this uncertainty as an inescapable aspect of human existence and is deeply skeptical of attempts to construct elaborate systems of abstract knowledge or ambitious schemes for restructuring society, confessing with Russell Kirk that “[t]he cardinal principle of conservative thought is the conviction that new systems and structures incline dangerously toward presumption.”

What Is ‘Ethical Conservativism’? – Brian Patrick Mitchell, The American Conservative

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The people who wrote the Constitution of the United States understood what dangers there are to the freedom of the people — and that freedom can be quietly eroded by degrees, rather than taken all at once. Too many people today seem oblivious to such dangers. So what if the government used the muscle of the Internal Revenue Service to keep groups opposed to the Obama administration tied up in red tape or litigation in an election year? Enough games like that can make our elections meaningless.

America’s Birthday – Thomas Sowell, Frontpage Magazine  

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Latin American political movements will continue to misuse religious doctrine and abuse sacred imagery to make their policies resonate with a Christian audience wary of the Church’s history of supporting authoritarian governments against Communist movements. In this context, Pope Francis’s rhetoric is an important first step in helping to reclaim Christ from the revolutionaries.

How Hugo Chávez Became the New Christ – Lisa Carrol-Davis, First Things

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Če naj bo domoljubje sestavni del našega načrta za prihodnosti, potem naj bo to najprej ljubezen do slovenske kulture in jezika. Ne moreš biti domoljub, če sovražiš človeka, ki živi v tvoji bližini samo zato, ker ni v isti stranki, ne hodi v isto cerkev, ne deli istih življenjskih prepričanj. Domoljub pomeni, da ljubiš svojo zemljo, da jo obdeluješ, ne mečeš odpadkov nanjo, je ne uničuješ na kakršen koli drugačen način. Biti domoljub avtomatično ne pomeni, da si desno usmerjen, domoljub tudi ni vsakdo, čigar bele in rdeče krvničke so v dveh zadnjih generacijah potrjeno slovenske – kaj pa mi vemo, kaj so počele naše babice?

Kdo je pravi Slovenec? – Natalija Gorščak, RTV Slovenija

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Italijani danes zavračajo fašizem, katerega so sami zamesili in izvozili po celem svetu. Fašizem, ki se je zarodil iz nacionalistične retorike in nasilja prve svetovne vojne. Zavračati fašizem in obenem podpirati nacionalistične mite, tudi s posrednim in prikritim čaščenjem, ki so odločilno botrovali njegovemu nastanku, je primerljivo obsojanju strupenih sadežev drevesa ob njegovem istočasnem zalivanju. Upamo, da bosta predsednika o vsem tem pomislila, ko bosta izražala čast italijanskim »mučenikom« v Svetišču pri Rodopolju, ki so napadali in morili njihove prednike, osvajali njihova ozemlja, ter jih »poveličevali« s krvjo ubogih vojakov, primoranih v smrt ali pred strelski vod.

Izjava ob dogodku v Rodopolju – Časnik

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Pluralism, education, open markets: these were once Arab values and they could be so again. Today, as Sunnis and Shias tear out each others’ throats in Iraq and Syria and a former general settles onto his new throne in Egypt, they are tragically distant prospects. But for a people for whom so much has gone so wrong, such values still make up a vision of a better future.

The tragedy of the Arabs – The Economist