Tedenski izbor

lettura

 

Kako to, da ji v Sloveniji nihče nikoli ni postavil težkih vprašanj? Kako to, da na Univerzi v Ljubljani lahko zagovarjaš znanstveni magisterij, čigar mentor je “akademski profesor”, naziv, ki ne obstaja? Kako to, da je v Sloveniji gladko prišla na najvišji položaj? Kako to, da v Sloveniji nihče ni opazil tega, kar so v prvi uri opazili evropski poslanci?

A predsednik slovenske vlade je pa lahko kar vsak? Za razliko od ministrov predsednika vlade niti domači parlamentarni odbori ne izprašajo. Pri čemer so slovenski parlamentarci praviloma vsaj taki začetniki kot bodoči ministri in debata na zaslišanjih ne dosega nivoja evropskega parlamenta. Ker imamo nestrankarsko demokracijo brez pravih politikov.

Kako to, da njenih omejitev niso opazili mediji? Z izjemo tistih, katerih fokus je bila Bandiera rossa. Kako to, da naš politični sistem na najvišje položaje pripelje ljudi, ki v mednarodnem okolju, torej zunaj akvarija, popolnoma pogorijo? Mimogrede, kakšne so pravzaprav mednarodne reference trenutnega političnega vrha? (…)

Komisarka Alenka Bratušek je rezultat akvarija, ki smo si ga naredili, ki ga vzdržujemo. Pretvarjamo se in nas pretvarjajo, da je ta akvarij vse, kar obstaja. Do so najboljši v akvariju najboljši na svetu. Na nek način je Alenka Bratušek njegova žrtev.

Nevidni akvarij Alenke Bratušek – Žiga Turk, Časnik

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Es gibt eine Menge Dinge, die eine angehende EU-Kommissarin können muss, um das grilling zu überstehen – jene Anhörung im Europa-Parlament, bei der Kandidatinnen und Kandidaten ihre Kompetenz für das hohe Amt beweisen sollen. Über glühende Kohlen laufen zu können, gehört normalerweise nicht dazu.

Doch genau diese Qualifikation bringt Violeta Bulc mit, soeben von der slowenischen Regierung als neue EU-Kommissarin nominiert. Sie soll Sloweniens ehemalige Regierungschefin Alenka Bratusek ersetzen, der das Europaparlament die Zustimmung verweigert hatte.

Die 50 Jahre alte Bulc ist nicht bloß Eigentümerin der Beratungsfirma “Vibacom”, sondern auch begeisterte Anhängerin von Esoterik und New Age. Auf ihrem Firmen-Blog erklärt sie, an die “Kraft von Netzwerken, das holistische Individuum und positive Energie” zu glauben.

Umstrittene EU-Kandidatin Bulc: Komissarin für positive Energie – Gregor Peter Schmitz, Der Spiegel

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Temelje negativne kadrovske selekcije je slovenska politika postavila že na začetku samostojne Slovenije. Razkril jih je Ivan Oman, ko je javno rekel: “Ni važno, da je pismen, važno, da je naš!”

Slovensko politiko tudi danes poganja vodilo: ni važno, kaj znaš, važno je, da si naš.

Zato ostaja blokovska delitev na naše in vaše, zato v slovenski politiki ni mogoče uspeti sposobnim, ki bi smeli razmišljati s svojo glavo, zato predsedniki strank nimajo dostojnih naslednikov, imajo zgolj svoje kopije. A vsaka kopija je le še slabša od originala.

V slovenski politiki so lahko uspešni samo luzerji – Uroš Urbas, Planet Siol

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Kdaj in kako bo drugače? Takole smo zapisali v zborniku Evropska Slovenija:

»Z uveljavitvijo liberalne misli bo na prvo mesto spet stopil posameznik: svoboden, odgovoren in ustvarjalen. Iz množice takih posameznikov bodo ob ustrezni, spodbudni družbeni klimi zrasle meritorne elite z znanjem, ki bodo zagotovile človeške vire za delovanje institucij. Na drugi strani bodo ti isti posamezniki res uveljavili svojo svobodno gospodarsko pobudo in na njeni osnovi ustvarjali zasebni kapital.

Iz tega se bodo pobirali davki za delovanje institucij demokratične in pravne države, za socialne transferje najšibkejšim v družbi, presežki pa se bodo lahko namenjali za investicije v novo gospodarsko rast, kakor tudi za delovanje civilne družbe. Vse to se bo odražalo v močnih zasebnih, civilnodružbenih in državnih institucijah. Te bodo predstavljale prostor za uveljavljanje idej in bodo hkrati njihova valilnica. Večja kot bo možnost za uresničitev idej, večja bo spodbuda posameznikov za njihovo proizvodnjo. In to bo gonilo svobodomiselnega napredka.

Spoštovanje vsakega posameznika, njihova ekonomska okrepitev, razcvet civilne družbe in s tem pravega družbenega pluralizma bodo Slovenijo odprli tudi navzven in jo spremenili v svetovljansko družbo. Kot taka, odprta za pretočnost dobrih idej, ne glede na njihov izvor, bo sama po sebi pritegnila tudi številne posameznike iz sveta, ki bodo s seboj prinesli nove ideje, nov kapital in nove spodbude za nadaljnji družbeni razvoj, obenem pa bodo Slovenijo vpeli tudi v globalne okvire.«

Tako se bodo postopoma vzpostavile predpostavke Slovenije kot normalne evropske države. Tedaj ne bomo več kulturni šok za druge, temveč bomo – sebi in drugim – v iskren, a skromen ponos.

Kulturni šok v Bruslju – Matej Avbelj, Ius Info

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Orbán exerts fascination on international commentators because he is an Anakin Skywalker-like figure who walked from the light side (democratic, liberal, anti-communist) to the dark side (illiberal and pro-Russian). But this response suggests that Orbán’s story is unique, which is unfortunately not true. Orbán is not the only opportunist populist politician who lost his enthusiasm for western-type democracies. The Turkish president Erdogan for example – who began his career as a religious hardliner – surprised many at the beginning of his political career with his moderate, reformist line of governance. Erdogan established good relations with the US, the EU, and even Israel, and made steps to calm relations with Greece. But he gradually shifted away from this political line and became a populist, nationalist conservative leader, turning against western values and allies, who now wants Turkey to walk its own way instead of belonging to a western alliance. It is symbolic that Erdogan, formerly a good ally of Israel, has just returned the award he received from the Jewish World Congress a decade ago.

This should be a wake-up call for the west: the political attractiveness of the western model is eroding, and populist politicians who have made many efforts to gain the support of the west one or two decades ago are now abandoning the western path.

More Hungarys in Eastern Europe – Péter Krekó, Open Democracy 

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The question of a double standard on equal rights has much to do with the left’s longstanding devotion to multiculturalism and cultural relativism: that we must respect the value systems of cultures different from our own, and that, since we are all morally compromised, we shouldn’t cast stones. As Azlan points out in his CNN interview, Saudi Arabia may be the most extreme Muslim country in the Middle East, and still it’s the United States’ closest Arab ally. Too often we have funded extremist regimes in the region at the expense of fostering democracy, creating an environment for radical Islam to thrive.

But this doesn’t negate the argument that there is a double standard. Even if we admit complicity in the rise of militant Islam, we have every right to condemn the values of Islamic fundamentalists. Fears of cultural imperiousness cannot allow us to ignore or, worse, justify beliefs and behavior in other cultures that we would never accept here at home.

Yes, Bill Maher Is Boorsih. But We Shouldn’t Be Afraid to Criticize Islam – Eric Sasson, The New Republic

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Na simbolni ravni za Stranko Mira Cerarja ni najhujše to, da je bilo za njenega županskega kandidata nedosegljivih že pet odstotkov glasov in da je v mestnem svetu šele na tretjem mestu. Ne, bistvena je njena vnaprejšnja prepustitev terena Zoranu Jankoviću. Niti za resen izziv niso imeli volje. S tem pa se SMC dokončno odmika od predstave o domnevno sredinski stranki, drugačni od predhodnic, ki so jo z njo povezovali nekateri komentatorji po volitvah.  S svojo ljubljansko kapitulacijo so Cerarjevi dokazali, da so povsem običajni nasledniki LDS in Pozitivne Slovenije,  stranka brez lastne volje v službi svojega bloka.

Majhen obliž na veliki rani – Aleš Maver, Časnik

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Several of the traits that Dawkins displays in his campaign against religion are on show here. There is his equation of superiority with cleverness: the visiting aliens are more advanced creatures than humans because they are smarter and know more than humans do. The theory of evolution by natural selection is treated not as a fallible theorythe best account we have so far of how life emerged and developedbut as an unalterable truth, which has been revealed to a single individual of transcendent genius. There cannot be much doubt that Dawkins sees himself as a Darwin-like figure, propagating the revelation that came to the Victorian naturalist.

Among these traits, it is Dawkins’s identification with Darwin that is most incongruous. No two minds could be less alike than those of the great nineteenth-century scientist and the latter-day evangelist for atheism. Hesitant, doubtful, and often painfully perplexed, Darwin understood science as an empirical investigation in which truth is never self-evident and theories are always provisional. If science, for Darwin, was a method of inquiry that enabled him to edge tentatively and humbly toward the truth, for Dawkins, science is an unquestioned view of the world.

The Closed Mind of Richard Dawkins – John Gray, The New Republic

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Novi nadškof ima tako vse pogoje za neodvisnost in distanco do dosedanjih škofijskih in medškofijskih upravljavskih struktur in mrež, do katerih se je zaradi toliko bolečih dogodkov v zadnjem času pojavilo veliko nezaupanja.

To bo verjetno eden od temeljnih preizkusnih kamnov novega vodenja – na eni strani graditi na vsem dobrem in v spoštovanju in pravilnem vrednotenju prispevka vsakega doslej odgovornega posameznika, po drugem pa odločnost za spremembe ter imenovanje, priznanje in odpravo nepravilnosti, napak ali celo zlorab.

Ta distanca in neodvisnost mu bosta lahko pomagali pri uvajanju potrebnih sprememb, če bo želel in če se bo na to prednost seveda tudi naslonil.

Prvi vtisi o novem ljubljanskem nadškofu – Štefan Kržišnik, Iskreni.net

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Caring for your corner, making the world a better place, one square foot at a time: this is localism, and conservatism, at root. Supporting the foundations, heritage, and traditions that one has inherited. Using one’s talents and gifts to build a better street, a better neighborhood, a better town or city.

Why Cities Need Localists – Gracy Olmstead, The American Conservative

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An atemporal victory of masculinity over the principle of femininity is no victory. A life without history, without children, without season, without going back, without produce besides money, without a fixed vision of “the other side of the river,” just the daily, masturbatory existence of constant acquisition and forward-plowing line without end — this over-masculization is as much a source of impotence, rage and violence as it is of millionaires, and could as easily end in prolonged video-gaming as becoming a CEO. Women, by the very mystery of their form, embody a conception of time that teaches men to rise to the fullness of their humanity — to resist the temptation to violence which is a foremost perversion of masculinity.

It is far more difficult to speak of what the masculinity offers to femininity, for while I daily receive an education from the latter, marvel at the fact, and can attest to its reality — women are awfully quiet about whether men are doing them any good. But if I were to venture a guess, I would say that the masculine form is an education in teleology — in achieving an end. It is written in the very muscular structure of the male form — to accomplish the task, to complete the mission, to do and do well, to use strength.

Masculine and Feminine Time – Marc Barnes, Bad Catholic

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Razsežnost vojne je pomenila, da je kruto realnost jarkov na svoji koži izkusil marsikateri slikar, pesnik in pisatelj. Med slovenskimi ustvarjalci je bil v takih kritikah šaljivo oster prav Hinko Smrekar, ki je v svojih podobah in zapisih obsojal vojno, opozarjal na njen nesmisel in razgalil brutalnost avtoritarnega vojaškega sistema. S svojim begom v zaigrano blaznost pa postal “simbol usode malega človeka v spopadu z represivnim militarizmom”. Žal je v drugem velikem svetovnem spopadu sam postal del tragike in nesmisla, na katerega je opozarjal. Na prvi oktobrski dan leta 1942 so ga po brutalnem zaslišanju v Gramozni jami ustrelili fašisti. Če je pogreb minil brez prisotnosti znancev, pa je bil drugi dan Smrekarjev grob ves pokrit s cvetjem.

Zaigrana blaznost Hinka Smrekarja – Maja Kač, MMC RTVSLO

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Starejši občani so, kot je znano, pogosto tarča raznih vsiljivcev. Ker neprijetni pripetljaj, ki se je zgodil Mesečevim starim staršem tudi ni edini, v bodoče malce več pozornosti ne bo odveč.

Pozor starejši: vsiljivi novinarji revije Reporter na vratih! – Uroš Abram, Spletna Mladina

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Državnega monopolista niso še nikoli prisilili v učinkovitost s tem, da so mu dali več denarja. Ukrotiš ga lahko le, če ga izpostaviš odprti konkurenci ali pa ga preprosto ukineš.

Konkurenca pri avtomobilskem zavarovanju deluje, prav tako deluje ločitev na obvezni in prostovoljni del zavarovanja (na primer kasko). Na podoben način bi lahko delovala tudi pri zdravstvenem zavarovanju in tudi deluje v številnih državah, po katerih se sicer radi zgledujemo, na primer v Nemčiji, Avstriji ali na Nizozemskem.

Če bi konkurenco dopustili, bi jo ZZZS najprej skušal onemogočiti, podobno, kot je Telekom nekoč onemogočal konkurenčne ponudnike storitev. Tako kot se agenciji za varstvo konkurence in za telekomunikacije dolgo nista hoteli spraviti nad Telekom, se verjetno tudi agencija za zavarovalni nadzor ne bi lahkega srca spravila nad ZZZS. Ko bi se, bi se moral ta končno prilagoditi. Morda bi kar sam predlagal spremembo upravljavske strukture, se trše pogajal z dobavitelji in z lastnimi močmi preganjal korupcijo.

Ukinitev dopolnilnega zavarovanja je slepilni manever – Janez Šušteršič, Planet Siol

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Wealth inequality is generated not by intrinsic features of capitalism—the most important of which, in Taleb’s view, is that every participant is exposed to the losses that go hand in hand with risk—but from specific state and central-bank policies that reward leveraged speculation and enable financiers to play with no skin in the game. In Taleb’s trenchant phrase, financial inequalities are “one crash away from reallocation.”

This suggests that one way to address both wealth inequality and speculative excesses is to rewrite the rules so that participants must have skin in the game. Whether this is possible in an era of regulatory capture by the very financiers the rules aim to corral is an open question. Wallerstein’s school, like Piketty, also overlooks the transformative power of the factors Giovanni Arrighi—another disciple of Braudel and author of The Long Twentieth Century—identifies as the key drivers of capital accumulation: attracting entrepreneurs and mobile capital.

What could replace the current iteration of global state-capitalism? If we assemble these three potentially transformative dynamics—degrowth, the recoupling of risk and loss, and entrepreneurial mobile capital—we discern a new and potentially productive teleological arc to global capitalism, one that moves from a capitalism based on financial hyper-centralization and obsession with rising consumption to one focused on more efficient use of resources and capital via decentralization and localized innovation.

Is There Capitalism After Cronysm? – Charles Hugh Smith, The American Conservative

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Tedenski izbor

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Morali se bomo navaditi, da v dvopolni Sloveniji vendarle obstaja nek PRAGMATIČNI SREDINSKI VOLIVEC. Ta je včeraj priskočil na pomoč standardnemu ex-LDS-volivcu iz javnega sektorja – in Cerar je premočno zmagal. Na naslednjih volitvah lahko ta volivec priskoči na pomoč komu na desni. Ta tip volivca ni nek tavajoči in nestabilni element, zgolj produkt medijske manipulacije, ampak je ena izmed legitimnih in spoštovanja vrednih političnih drž.

Odziv na “Slovenci niso razočarali” – Branko Cestnik, Časnik

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Še več: cela vrsta faktorjev priča o tem, da k Cerarju niso množično prehajali le tisti volivci SDS-a, ki so se stranki pridružili v zadnjih 10. letih, temveč tudi mnogi iz »starega trdega jedra«, torej Janševi podporniki iz let 2000 in 1996. Te izgube je, kot rečeno, SDS uspešno »nadoknadila« s širjenjem na desno in tako ostali pomladni stranki stisnila na rob, kjer le za silo preživita; hkrati pa zaradi kadrovske šibkosti, luknjičasti njune zemljepisne porazdelitve in pomanjkanja trdne medijske podpore nikakor ne zmoreta nagovoriti volivcev, ki jih SDS pušča vnemar.

Anatomija pomladnega poraza – Luka G. Lisjak, Časnik

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Tabela predvsem zelo jasno kaže, da so bile letošnje volitve – pa čeprav so se zgodile nekako po pomoti – res izjemne. Prvič se je zgodilo, da je politični novinec povsem pometel s staro politično elito. Če seveda odmislimo Demosovo zmago v povsem drugačnih zgodovinskih okoliščinah in drugačnem skupščinskem sistemu.

Stare strankarske elite vseh barv, vonjev in okusov – in ne le desnica – so torej resnični poraženec letošnjih volitev.

Ne sodi mačka po žaklju – Janez Šušteršič, Siol.net

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Slovenijo smo razlagali kot razdeljeno na dve pripovedi:

Leva pripoved: “Kar imamo zdaj, je demokracija. In ker to ni bistveno različno od prejšnjega režima, tudi prejšnji režim ni mogel biti posebej napačen.”

Desna pripoved: “Kar imamo zdaj, ni demokracija, ker to ni bistveno različno od prejšnjega režima, ki je bil evidentno napačen.”

Na volitvah smo dobili še tretjo: “Imamo, kar imamo. O podrobnostih se prepirajte brez mene.”

Volivci tretje so na volitvah premočno zmagali.

Zmaga in poraz 2014 – Žiga Turk, Čas-opis

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Hitenje s fiskalno konsolidacijo ali hitro zniževanje javne porabe ali davkov na podlagi konzervativne ideologije ima lahko zelo negativne učinke na gospodarsko okrevanje, medtem ko ima nereformiranje javnega sektorja, ohranjanje neoptimalne strukture socialnih transferjev, odlašanje z reformo pokojninskega sistema in trga dela zaradi socialistične ideologije zelo visoke negativne učinke na dolgi rok. Iz povsem pragmatičnih razlogov in v dobro dolgoročnih koristi za celotno družbo je na kratek rok treba biti keynesianec, na dolgi rok pa upoštevati ekonomiko ponudbe. Ni čas za ideologijo, ampak za pragmatičnost.

Upajmo, da bo nova vlada pragmatična, ne ideološka – Jože P. Damijan

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The bottom-line question is: Does an act that’s clearly immoral when done privately become moral when it is done collectively and under the color of law? Put another way, does legality establish morality?

For most of our history, Congress did a far better job of limiting its activities to what was both moral and constitutional. As a result, federal spending was only 3 to 5 percent of the gross domestic product from our founding until the 1920s, in contrast with today’s 25 percent. Close to three-quarters of today’s federal spending can be described as Congress taking the earnings of one American to give to another through thousands of handout programs, such as farm subsidies, business bailouts and welfare.

Spending and Morality – Walter E. Williams, The New American

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Thomas Piketty is to be commended for putting the question of distribution at the center of discussion about our economic future, rather than, as is more common in the dominant neoliberal framework, treating it as important only inasmuch as it bears on questions of mobility and growth. He is to be commended as well for demanding a humbler empiricism from the community of economists. But if we are to proceed from analysis to action, we still need a more robust theory of what is actually causing the problem that we observe. And while there is a certain French elegance to single, universal solutions, it may be that a diversity of attacks, tailored to the economic situations of different countries and regions, is not only more plausible than a new, global tax regime but more optimal as well.

Thomas Piketty Is the Anti-Marx – Noah Millman, The American Conservative

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This is a subject that JM Keynes visited in his famous essay Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren. And while all sensible people have their doubts about “Keynesian Economics” there’s no doubt he was a most perspicacious economist. The essay looks at exactly at this point: when will we actually be able to supply everyone’s needs with not all that much work? He thought it would be some 15 years or so from now and we’d all be working 15 hour weeks. Simply because productivity would have advanced so much that that’s all we would need to work.

And this usually brings out the people shouting about why it hasn’t happened yet. But the thing is that is has happened, just not in quite the manner that everyone thought it would.

Google’s Larry Page on the 40 Hour Work Week – Tim Worstall, Forbes

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The success of these re-emergent technologies also has important lessons for how we think of disruptive innovation. New technologies do not simply displace old ones. Some old technologies, like sailing boats and paper books, have an enduring appeal; some, like watches, can redefine their value; and some, like condoms, can get a new lease of life for unexpected reasons. In addition, people do not just buy something because it provides the most efficient solution to a problem. They buy it because it provides aesthetic satisfaction—a beautiful book, for example, or a perfectly made shirt—or because it makes them feel good about themselves. This suggests a paradox: the more that disruptive innovations like the internet boost the overall productivity of the economy, the more room there will be for old-fashioned industries that focus on quality rather than quantity and heritage rather than novelty. Sometimes the best way forward is backwards.

Second wind: Some traditional businesses are thriving in an age of disruptive innovation – The Economist

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Imagine the once thin borderline of the American past as an ever-thickening band, now extending 100 miles inland around the United States—along the 2,000-mile southern border, the 4,000-mile northern border and both coasts—and you will be able to visualize how vast the CBP’s jurisdiction has become. This “border” region now covers places where two-thirds of the US population (197.4 million people) live. The ACLU has come to call it a “constitution-free zone.” The “border” has by now devoured the full states of Maine and Florida and much of Michigan.

66 Percent of Americans Now Live in a Constitution-Free Zone – Todd Miller, The Nation

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Za konec dodajamo pretresljivo pričevanje Tadeje in Iva Keržeta, h katerima gredo naše misli, sočutje in molitve. In seveda moralna podpora za njuno legitimno prizadevanje:

Desetega julija ob 17. uri je po osmih urah trpljenja prišel na svet otrok, ki bi po moji oceni lahko zapolnil moji dlani. Nisem utegnila preveriti, ker ga je sestra skupaj z ostalimi tkivi takoj odnesla stran. Mož je šel za njo in se vrnil z novico, da imamo punčko. Jok in sklep, da bi jo tudi jaz rada videla. Ko sem jo videla ležati v umivalniku, se mi je zdelo, da mirno spi, tisti prelepi obrazek s čudovitimi ušesci, z drobnimi ročicami, kot narejenimi za prvi objem in nožicami, ki bi jo enkrat ponesle v svet. Vedela sem, da je to Elizabeta. Pokrižala sem jo, še poljubiti in dotakniti se je nisem upala, te krhke lepote. Bolelo je še bolj v petek, ko sem brez otroka zapuščala bolnišnico in brez resnega upanja, da jo bova dobila. Predstojnik oddelka nama je sporočil, da njihovi ustanovi grozi 30 tisoč evrov kazni, če bi nama jo izročili. Ob prisotnosti zastopnika pacientovih pravic smo se dogovorili za prenos na UKC Maribor, kjer Elizabeta čaka na obdukcijo. Danes, v ponedeljek, je moja bolečina še večja. Moja lepa hčerka leži v Bogve kakšnem hladilniku in grozi ji, da jo bodo vrgli med biološki odpad. Vse v meni se upira temu, kajti jaz sem jo v bolnišnico prinesla v trebuhu in jo cel dan rojevala, sedaj pa mi Republika Slovenija ne dovoli, da bi jo z možem pokopala v družinski grob. Kot ženska bi od te iste države lahko zahtevala, da mi otroka na državne stroške ubijejo, moja domovina pa mi ne dovoli, da bi svojo Elizabeto na lastne stroške pokopala.

Vrnite nam Elizabeto! – Ivo in Tadeja Kerže, Časnik

Tedenski izbor

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Nas bo morebitni ponovni vihar krepko zajel. Zato je popolnoma jasno, kaj narediti. Zdaj, ko nam finančni trgi dajejo dihati, je nujno, da v enem letu sprejmemo vse zamujene reformne ukrepe. Ti so znani, napisani, razloženi, celo zavezali smo se jim. Treba jih je le spraviti skozi parlament. Treba je izjemno hitro narediti vse, da morebitni pok borznih balonov pričakamo z večino reformnih ukrepov pod streho. Vendar pogled na to, kdo je lahko za krmilom naše barke, človeka rine do obupa.

Nacionalno brambovstvo v perspektivi – Igor Masten, Siol.net

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Niti na misel mi ne pade, da bi se vprašal, zakaj na vseh soočenjih novinarji postavljajo težja vprašanja popolnim outsiderjem, Cerarja pa obmetavajo z vprašanji, ki so prej v domeni pojasnjevanja, da je človek najboljši in najlepši, namesto, da bi ga, zaradi tega, ker je jasno, da bo volitve dobil, do potankosti in brutalno izprašali, kaj bo kot predsednik vlade počel naslednja štiri leta in kako bo rešil strukturne težave slovenske ekonomije. Namesto tega bom raje analiziral njegov program. Če ne drugega, bo vsaj en slovenski medij pošteno opravil svoje delo.

Saibaba Cerar in njegove vizije – Portal Plus

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Skratka, bralec programa bo opazil, da se velika večina točk v razdelku “Kako” zelo dobro bere, če pred željo napišemo besedico “Kako”. Npr. kako zajeziti beg možganov, kako zagotoviti dostojno raven pokojnin, kako preprečiti krčenje pravic zavarovancev, kako zagotoviti svobodo medijskega prostora, kako omejiti sivo ekonomijo … Je pa nek pregovor, ki pravi, da je postaviti dobro vprašanje včasih težje od odgovora nanj. No, v tem primeru bi lahko rekli, da so Cerarjevi opravili težji del posla.

Cerarjevih šestindvajset – Žiga Turk

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Odgovornost za idejo klasičnega liberalizma je na tistih, ki mislijo, da bi ta morala biti uspešna tudi v politiki, vendar čakajo, da bo za to poskrbel nekdo drug.

Intervju z Janezom Šušteršičem, Portal Plus

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Nekateri pisci so Pikettyjevemu opozorilu o naraščajoči neenakosti odločno pritrdili, medtem ko so drugi izražali ostre pomisleke. Pojavile so se tudi prve obtožbe, da gre v Pikettyjevi kritiki neenakosti pravzaprav le za nekakšen posodobljen zagovor socializma. To karto so hitro pograbili najmočnejši ameriški libertarni think thanki in Francoza začeli bombardirati z oznako »marksist«, ki se v ameriških političnih spopadih uporablja na podobno prismuknjeno raztegljiv način kot v naših krajih nalepka »neoliberalec«: v širokem delu javnosti učinkuje kot fleksibilno orožje za instantno diskreditacijo. Je francoski ekonomist res zgolj preoblekel starega Marxa za novo stoletje? Prav zaradi tovrstnih napadov je Piketty v javnih nastopih še zaostril svojo antimarksistično pozicijo, ki jo sicer jasno izrazi že v knjigi. Marxa okvirno zavrne v prvem poglavju knjige, svojo kritiko marksizma pa v posameznih fragmentih stopnjuje in poglablja skozi celotno delo.

Iniciativa za demokratični kapitalizem, Matic Kocijančič, Pogledi

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A good friend of mine once asked if I believed it was possible to be a “conservative” artist. He was speaking of something deeper than politics. Could an artist, he wondered, live a quiet, ordered life surrounded by family, friends, and hard-won comfort and still produce work that was vital? Surveying his own favorite writers—William Butler Yeats, James Dickey, and William Faulkner—my friend concluded that the prognosis didn’t look good. Thinking of Bob Dylan in his homebound years, I countered that it was possible. It is true that great artists must be on intimate terms with both darkness and light, but most of us do not need to court darkness; it comes to us in unbidden tragedies large and small.

Unlike a Rolling Stone. Why Bob Dylan, troubadour of the revolution, turned homeward – Robert D. Lurie, The American Conservative

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It is at least unchivalrous of the panoptic security state’s comfortable defenders to demand that its critic accept martyrdom to prove his sincerity. If Edward Snowden’s critics were as intent as he is on exposing our country’s betrayal of its citizens,  we might take their concerns more seriously. Until then, we hipster conservatives will stand up for this hipster whistleblower.

The Unpatriotic, Double-Plus Ungood Cowardice of Edward Snowden – The Hipster Conservative

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Ni in ni dobro, ko namesto po racionalni razčlembi posežemo po enostavni in udarni demonizaciji drugega. Ni in ni dobro, ko se prepustimo programu roja. Vsak pa mora začeti pri sebi. A večjo odgovornost pri tem ima levica. Zakaj? Preprosto zato, ker – kot nas učijo filmi o spidermanu (spet smo pri žuželkah) – moč in odgovornost gresta skupaj. Ker ima levica večjo finančno, politično in medijsko moč (sociolog Frane Adam govori o „asimetriji v vplivnosti“), je tudi bolj odgovorna za nastale razmere in mora več kot drugi storiti, da postanemo normalni in” nad-žuželčje” racionalni.

Roj ali česa se ni dobro učiti od čebelic – Branko Cestnik, Časnik

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Bonus – fascinantno teološko dopolnilo prejšnjega premisleka: Bad Catholic o Niču, grehu in kreposti:

Sin is weak. Sin is a white flag of surrender waved to the oncoming Nothingness. Sin chooses absence over being and Nothing over Something. Sin is sinful not in that it is too bold, but in that it is not bold enough.

We see this truth on a personal level. Sin is always the easiest action to perform in any given situation. All it requires is Nothing.

To commit the sin of wrath or anger, a man doesn’t have to do anything, he merely has to lose something — his temper. He breaks, he snaps, he “gives in”, all of which merely points out the obvious, that he stops doing something. There is no boldness in wrath, any more than there is in rot, though they amount to the same thing, an acquiescence into Nothingness.

Better than Nothing – Marc Barnes, Bad Catholic

Tedenski izbor

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Whenever the exaggerations and myths about Ireland’s past are exposed, the same thing is said: okay, these might have been lies but they were good lies, because they got people talking about the history of Catholic abuse in Ireland. (…) How many ‘good lies’ have to be told about Ireland’s past before they just become lies? If as many myths were spread about by a government in relation to a war or something, there would be outrage, demands for an inquiry; why is it okay, then, to promote half-truths, non-facts and embellishments about the Irish Catholic Church?

The Tuam tank: another myth about evil Ireland – Brendan O’Neill, Spiked

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Instead of fantasizing about new U.S. interventions in the Middle East, the United States needs to realign its position in the region by engaging Iran and providing incentives for Tehran, Ankara, and Riyadh to take the lead in bringing stability to Iraq and Syria. These three regional powers—and the United States—have a common interest in averting the disintegration of these two countries, and in ensuring that the conflicts there don’t degenerate into a wider Sunni-Shiite War.

Vietnam’s Real Lessons for Iraq – Leon Hadar, The American Conservative

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Da tako brazilske oblasti kot tudi FIFA niso bile pripravljene na socialne nemire, kažejo zadnji nemiri v Rio de Janeiru in Sao Paolu, in nenazadnje tudi konstante demonstracije v času lanskoletnega pokala konfederacij. Brazilija bi verjetno teh nekaj zapravljenih milijard dolarjev lahko porabila za javne socialne storitve in za vnovični zagon zaspanega gospodarstva, ki ga ne bo zbudilo niti to prvenstvo. Ali je to lahko razlog za zavrnitev podelitve organizacije dogodka državi, ki se sooča s takšnimi težavami? Takšno prvenstvo je zagotovo stvar prestiža za vsakokratno vlado, pri čemer se je njegovi organizaciji težko kar tako odpovedati. Zagotovo pa je res, da bi se FIFA morala bolj posvetiti širšim družbenim vprašanjem v državah kandidatkah kot le potencialnim finančnim učinkom organizacije prvenstva. Ta zagotovo ne deluje v nekem vakuumu izven socialnega konteksta države prirediteljice.

Tek za žogo – Jernej Letnar Černič, Iusinfo

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Za proces lastninjenja oziroma privatizacije, kot se pri nas temu poenostavljeno reče, je bilo značilno mnogo stvari, ki jih danes povezujemo s pojmom neoliberalizma. Neoliberalizem najlažje definiramo kot proces osebnega okoriščanja na račun javnega.
Primerov tovrstnega dogajanja je pri nas veliko. Njihova pomembna skupna lastnost je, da njihovi akterji niso bili kaki kapitalistični križarji, ki bi jih k nam poslali Svetovna banka, Mednarodni denarni sklad ali ZDA, temveč so bili to v veliko primerih ljudje, tesno povezani s političnimi elitami, tako z osnovo v nekdanjem socialističnem režimu kot pri na novo nastali desnici.

O kukavicah in liberalizmu – Igor Masten, Planet Siol.net

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Pikettyja v slovenskih razmerah v bistvu sploh ne moremo najti. Dohodkovna neenakost je v Sloveniji najmanjša med vsemi državami OECD. Manjša je celo od skandinavskih držav. Dohodkovne neenakosti torej pri nas praktično ne poznamo in smo v tem smislu ena najbolj egalitarnih družb na svetu; po mojem mnenju preveč, ker smo zaradi tega manj učinkovita, manj uspešna družba.

Pikettyjevske neenakosti v Sloveniji ni – Jože P. Damijan, Pogledi

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While we must acknowledge the importance of a college education, we must also recognize that not everyone need go to college, nor is a college education necessary for a fulfilled and happy life. As many of today’s college graduates know, there are many jobs that don’t require knowledge of Chaucer or the Pythagorean Theorem. We should also keep in mind that while college costs have risen in excess of inflation, they have risen less than the Dow Jones Industrial Averages over the past 54 years. For example, tuition and fees at Harvard College cost $1,520 in 1960 and $42,292 in 2014 – a compounded increase of 6.3%. In the same period the total return to the S&P 500 has been about 8.5%. However, if Harvard’s tuition had risen in line with CPI (2.3%), today’s tuition would be $5,200 – such is the power of compounded returns, which are to our advantage when they reflect assets, but to our detriment when they represent liabilities.

Obama and Student Loans – Political and Predictable – Sydney Williams, Austrian Economics Center

 

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Could Scottish independence be the first nationalist movement that ethnic minorities don’t feel threatened by? In recent months, the Yes campaign says it has seen a surge in support for independence among minority groups, with one radio poll showing two-thirds are voting ‘Aye’. That, coupled with a number of high-profile Scottish Asian defections to the nationalist cause, seems to suggest that minorities do not see Scottish patriotism as threatening, but tolerant.

Why Are So Many Scots from Ethnic Minorities Voting Yes? – The Huffington Post UK

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The leniency in which European authorities treat the radicals among their Muslim minorities has encouraged violence against Jews. Whether it is colonial or white guilt, fear of Islamic terror, or of being accused of Islamophobia, the EU tolerance, learned following the Holocaust, has been misdirected. Instead of protecting the victims of intolerance – the Jews – EU authorities are more interested in cultivating their radicalized jihadist Muslim constituents, regardless of the consequences.

Time for Europe’s Jews to Pack and Leave? – Joseph Puder, FrontPage Magazine

Tedenski izbor

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Bonus – za tiste, ki berete italijansko:

Tedenski izbor

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Bonus – najboljši nenamerni komentar k letošnji zmagi na Evroviziji: