Tedenski izbor

Še enkrat poudarjamo: absurdno poigravanje z mislijo, da je bil Balantič, da so bili številni drugi uporniki zoper revolucijo sokrivi in celo sostorilci zlasti nemškega kulturnega pogroma nad Slovenci, ki se je med drugim odrazil v barbarskem uničenju velikanskega števila knjig, nima nič opraviti z razmerami na Slovenskem med drugo svetovno vojno, pač pa služi samo podaljševanju neke, za razmeroma ozek krog rentnikov zelo donosne iluzije.

France Balantič sodi v javni spomin slovenskega naroda – Skupina podpisnikov


Po ocenah strokovnjakov je bilo pobitih nekaj sto tisoč ljudi, ki so bili krivi le tega, da so bili ideološki in vojaško nasprotni komunizmu in njegovi revoluciji. Regularna okupirana država se je borila proti boljševiški revoluciji in ostalim, ki so čakali, da bodo to državo lahko dokončno uničili (ustaši, balisti, separatisti in vsi nasprotniki Kraljevine).

Poslednji dom sinov Črne gore – Uroš Šušterič, Časnik


Skratka, Resolucija 1096 je dve desetletji po sprejemu nujno branje za vsakdanjo slovensko rabo. Svet Evrope nam ne ukazuje, z resolucijo le prijazno svetuje, kaj nam je treba narediti, da bi se skobacali iz teh smrdljivih cunj preteklosti. Tega v dveh desetletjih nismo uspeli in vse bolj se zdi, da tudi prihodnjih dvajset let ne bo dovolj.

Lustracija ob predpostavki – Miro Petek, Slomedia.it


Dokler bomo imeli tako politiko, v najširšem smislu, vključno s tisto v pravu, nimamo pogojev za ustvarjanje pravne države. Dokler bomo imeli to isto politiko, vključno s tisto v gospodarstvu, ni nikakršnih obetov za bolj konkurenčno ekonomijo, s katero lahko preživimo v globalni tekmi. Dokler bomo imeli tako politiko v najširšem možnem smislu bo ta država umirala na obroke in večina bo živela slabše. 

Dovolj je bilo – Matej Avbelj, IUS-INFO


Koalicija Združena levica je v nedavni javnomnenjski anketi, skupaj s SDS, dosegla prvo mesto na lestvici podpore slovenske javnosti. To je bil zagotovo velik uspeh za koalicijo, ki združuje politično levico, a tudi trenutek za premislek in zaskrbljenost tistih sil, ki se zavzemajo za demokratični razvoj države. Luka Mesec in njegovi namreč žalujejo za propadlo Jugoslavijo, poveličujejo njene simbole in domnevne vrednote, hvalijo Tita, socializem in se zavzemajo za obnovitev močne države. Vanjo naj bi se vrnili Slovenci, saj bi po zatrjevanju Združene levice samo močna država lahko odpravila slovenske težave in z vrednotami ter simboli iz preteklosti upravljala z državljani in njihovim življenjem.

V Sloveniji skrajna levica za izhod iz težav ponuja socializem – Marijan Drobež, Novi glas


To figure out whether a policy is good or bad, you have to first figure out what effects it would have. And while ideologues like to treat this as obvious, it rarely is.

Consider the minimum wage, one of the topics covered in the survey Roberts cites. Much of the debate over the minimum wage focuses on the empirical question of how a higher minimum wage would affect low-wage workers. Some economists believe a higher minimum wage will eliminate low-wage jobs; others believe this effect is negligible.

And crucially, this depends on the details. It’s plausible that today’s relatively low federal minimum wage costs few jobs, and that higher minimum wages in wealthy urban areas won’t cause much unemployment. But in areas where wages are lower, minimum wages can cause a lot of harm.

Sorry, liberals, liking free markets doesn’t make someone a jerk – Timothy B. Lee, Vox


Conservatives, for their part, wanted to know why we are now expected to accept, if not celebrate, those who choose their own gender identities, in defiance of hard chromosomal and anatomical facts, but are forbidden from extending an equally tolerant welcome to those who choose their own racial identities. After all, liberals tend to be the ones who insist that race is a “social construction”. So why not roll out the red carpet for Ms Dolezal?

Rachel Dolezal and race: Blurred lines – The Economist


The current definitions advanced by social liberalism do not make individual autonomy the measure ofall things; they do not simply instantiate a will to power or self-fulfillment. But they do treat adult autonomy as a morally-elevated good, and rate other possible rights and harm claims considerably lower as a consequence. Linker is right that today’s social liberalism does not simply preach an individualism unbound. But it preaches an individualism in which many bonds and rules and constraints are thinned to filaments, and waiting for the knife.

The Liberalism of Adult Autonomy – Ross Douthat, The New York Times


The concept of “micro-aggression” is just one of many tactics used to stifle differences of opinion by declaring some opinions to be “hate speech,” instead of debating those differences in a marketplace of ideas. To accuse people of aggression for not marching in lockstep with political correctness is to set the stage for justifying real aggression against them.

Micro-totalitarianism – Thomas Sowell, The New American


Hyperbole is part of politics. But there seems to be a fairly large disconnect between the criticism of Laudato Si (much of it made prior to the release of the actual text) and the encyclical itself. Theactual document is a more measured affair. For one thing, it’s not even really accurate to call it a “climate encyclical.” Most of the document is devoted to other environmental issues (ranging from clean drinking water to biodiversity) or to the proper Christian perspective on the environment generally. Only a small portion of the lengthy encyclical is devoted to climate change per se, and much of what the encyclical does say about climate change is in keeping with the prior statements of John Paul II and Benedict XVI on the issue.


It’s not progress but “irrational faith in progress” that he opposes; not technology but “blind confidence in technical solutions.” And Francis elsewhere praises specific new technologies that are going to be needed if we are going to reduce carbon emissions without hurting the poor.

Let’s Listen to the Pope on Climate – Josiah Neeley, First Things


Although Levin acclaims the thinking of the 18th-century Anglo-Irish statesman Burke with fewer reservations than Fisichella approaches his more controversial object of study, both authors believe that their subjects have much to teach the present age. They try to make their ideas relevant to the present, although in the case of the second figure in Levin’s book—Thomas Paine, who was a critic of Burke, an enthusiast for the French Revolution, and an advocate of the “rights of man”—we are given a counterexample to what Levin considers to be sound political and social views.

Inventing the Right – Paul Gottfried, The American Conservative


Tedenski izbor


Like Haidt, Girard observes that ideology becomes a source of tribal identity, but at its most extreme it becomes increasingly dependent not on the principles that it espouses but on the psychological kinetics of its adversarial relationship to its rivals. Positive philosophy gives way to the need to feed on rivalry as a source of meaning. This is why extremist ideologies tend to be built upon fabulist views of a possible future: the more spectacular the vision, the more unreachable the goal, the more immersive the cause.


In the penultimate chapter of The Righteous Mind, Haidt shares with the reader the disorienting moment when he realized conservatism wasn’t so backward and parochial after all:

»As a lifelong liberal, I had assumed that conservatism = orthodoxy = religion = faith = rejection of science. It followed, therefore that as an atheist and a scientist, I was obligated to be a liberal. But Muller asserted that modern conservatism is really about creating the best possible society, the one that brings about the greatest happiness given local circumstances«

Why Secular Liberalism Isn’t Liberal – Forfare Davis, The University Bookman

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Tedenski izbor


What must one take for granted in order for same-sex marriage to be intelligible? (This is not a question about the motives or beliefs—which can seem quite humane—of those who support same-sex marriage.) It is commonly argued that marriage is no longer principally about the procreation and the rearing of children but that it centers instead on the companionship of the couple and the building of a household. The courts have repeatedly accepted this reasoning. And yet, if same-sex marriage is to be truly equal to natural marriage in the eyes of society and the law, then all the rights and privileges of marriage—including those involving the procreation and rearing of children—must in principle belong to both kinds of marriage, irrespective of the motives impelling a couple toward marriage or whether, once married, they exercise these rights and privileges.

With same-sex couples this can be achieved only by technological means. And so the case for companionate marriage has been supplemented again and again by the argument that we must endorse reproductive technologies that eliminate any relevant difference between a male–female couple and a same-sex couple. This elevates these technologies from a remedy for infertility, what they principally have been, to a normative form of reproduction equivalent and perhaps even superior to natural procreation. But if there is no meaningful difference between a male–female couple conceiving a child naturally and same-sex couples conceiving children through surrogates and various technological means, then it follows that nothing of ontological significance attaches to natural motherhood and fatherhood or to having a father and a mother. These roles and relations are not fundamentally natural phenomena integral to human identity and social welfare but are mere accidents of biology overlaid with social conventions that can be replaced by functionally equivalent roles without loss. The implications are enormousexistential changes to the relation between kinship and personal identity, legal redefinitions of the relation between natural kinship and parental rights, and practical, biotechnical innovations that are only beginning to emerge into view and will be defended as necessary for a liberal society.


Whether this is the logical outworking of the metaphysical and anthropological premises of liberalism or a radically new thing (…), it marks a point of no return in American public philosophy. And it effectively brings the civic project of American Christianity to an end.

The Civil Project of American Christianity – Micheal Hanby, First Things

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Tedenski izbor

Naš cilj je bil tudi, narediti konec enoumju, ki se v razpravi o privatizaciji ustvarja, ko mediji kot protiutež nasprotnikom privatizacije prikazujejo ljudi, ki v ključnost obsežne privatizacije sploh ne verjamejo, ampak jo zagovarjajo zgolj v zelo omejeni obliki, kot nujno zlo za pokrivanje preteklih dolgov in ugodno nadaljnje zadolževanje za tekoče potrebe proračuna, ki jih niso pripravljeni oklestiti. Tudi to dvoje sta relevantna razloga, gotovo. Nista pa ne edina ne najbolj pomembna, zato je bila dosedanja razprava brez sogovornikov, ki bi to jasno povedali, izkrivljena.


Zaključim naj z odgovorom na slogan: »Prodaja ni ne prostovoljna, ne poštena in ne pravična!«, ki ga slišimo iz druge strani te razprave.

Neprostovoljno je prav državno lastništvo, saj nam je prebivalcem vsiljeno in brez naše privolitve vzdrževano z našimi sredstvi. Nepoštena je trditev, da gre za »naša« podjetja, ko pa se o njih in za njih nikakor ne odločamo državljani, ampak jih kot bankomat uporabljajo interesne mreže. Nepravično je, da moramo davkoplačevalci nositi tveganje, ko se politiki odločijo igrati podjetnike in borzne posrednike z našim denarjem. Neprostovoljno, nepošteno in nepravično je, da je račun centralnega plana vedno znova izstavljen davkoplačevalcem. Naredimo temu konec.

Kaj je prinesla pobuda ZA privatizacijo? – Rok Novak, Časnik

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Temna stran Walterja Whita

walter white

Nobena skrivnost ni, da se je televizija oziroma, natančneje, televizijska serija v zadnjih letih dokončno uveljavila kot vrhunski žanr umetniškega ustvarjanja. Če je v preteklosti bila predvsem sinonim za »žajfnice«, kot sta denimo Dallas ali Dinastija, predstavljajo danes prav nekatere televizijske serije vrhunske umetniške izdelke, ki se lahko mirno postavijo ob bok najboljšim filmom. Prednosti serije proti filmu so očitne: serije lahko raziskuje ideje oz. karakterni razvoj na način, kot jih dvourni film preprosto ne more. Zato tudi ni čudno, da se čedalje več nadarjenih ustvarjalcev ukvarja s serijo, ki je presegla zgolj zabavno vlogo.

Rezultat tega so serije na vrhunskem produkcijskem nivoju, kot so The Sopranos,Breaking Bad, Deadwood, The Wire, Game of Thrones in mnoge druge. Zanimivo vprašanje, ki se ob tem postavlja, je idejna usmerjenost priznanih novejših serij; pri tem seveda umetniškega izdelka nočemo zreducirati na neko banalno »sporočilo«, temveč pogledati samo tematiko, predvsem pa način njene obravnave. Kot konservativce nas seveda zanima predvsem to, ali lahko katero od teh serij gledamo konservativno. Za izredno popularno Martinovo Igro prestolov lahko tako npr. takoj rečemo, da tega nikakor ne moremo trditi. HBO-jev izdelek je namreč produkcijsko na najvišjem nivoju, a v svojem bistvu prazen. Podaja nam podobo skrajno krutega sveta, kjer zaman iščemo najmanjše sledi milosti in moralne jasnosti. Na prvi pogled nam njen fiktivni svet deluje fascinantno (serija gledalca pritegne z napeto zgodbo, razkošno kostumografijo in, nikar ne pozabimo, tudi bolj ali manj mehkimi pornografskimi prizori), a se ne moremo znebiti vtisa, da je to le tista lažna zunanja privlačnost oz. skušnjava, ki jo krščanska tradicija pripisuje zlu.

V tem prispevku se bomo posvetili drugi televizijski seriji, ki jo številni razglašajo celo za najboljši izdelek, ki je v zadnjih letih prišel na televizijo: gre za Breaking Bad (v slovenščini prevedena kot Kriva pota), ki v Sloveniji sicer ni bila deležna take pozornosti kot v ZDA (kot izjemo velja izpostaviti esej Matije Potočnika Pribošiča Virtuozno zlo, objavljen v reviji Razpotja, ki pa izhaja iz drugačnih teoretskih podmen kot pričujoči zapis in ga zato tu ne bom komentiral). Njena kakovost seveda ni pod vprašajem, navsezadnje je osvojila 16 emijev, 2 zlata globusa in številne druge priznane nagrade. A v tem zapisu bomo poskušali pokazati nekaj drugega, kar bo mogoče presenetilo marsikaterega bralca – Breaking Bad lahko namreč vsaj po skromnem mnenju avtorja teh vrstic razglasimo za konservativno serijo par excellence.

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Zakaj je lepota pomembna?

V ogled priporočam izvrsten dokumentarec o pomenu lepote in njenem izginotju v sodobnem svetu. Zanimiv bo tako za tiste, ki se zanimajo za vprašanja umetnosti, kot – morda še bolj – za tiste, ki se do zdaj zanje niso zanimali, morda tudi zato, ker ne vidijo smisla v sodobni umetnosti. Avtor, angleški filozof Roger Scruton, odgovarja na preposto vprašanje: “Zakaj je lepota pomembna?” To počne na zelo dostopen in razumljiv način, ki je dostopen najširšemu občinstvu, pri tem pa ostaja na visoki ravni.

Scruton je namerno polemičen proti konceptualni umetnosti in moderni ter postmoderni arhitekturi. Pri svoji kritiki je intelekualno pošten, vendar včasih nedosleden. V svojem pregledu tako preskoči celotno obdobje modernizma, moderno arhitekturo pa izvede izključno iz funkcionalizma, kar je vprašljivo; poleg tega ne upošteva, da je bila izvorna funkcionalistična arhitektura zelo elegantna ter je poudarjala estetsko vrednost objektov.

Kljub tem in še nekaterim manjšim pomankljivostim je dokumentarec izvrsten in poučen tudi za tiste, ki se s Scrutonivimi konservativinimi pogledi na estetiko ne bodo strinjali. Predvsem pa je zares lep izdelek.

Why Beauty Matters – Por que a beleza importa from jinacio on Vimeo.

Refleksija o zmagi in porazu

Pričujoče besedilo je bilo napisano v drugem tednu decembra 2011 in objavljeno ob koncu adventnega časa v Razpotjih, reviji humanistov Goriške. Potrebno ga je razumeti kot odsev tedanjega duha časa  (čeprav je nastal na podlagi krajšega teksta, napisanega že jeseni 2008).

Razmere so se od tedaj spremenile globlje, kot smo si pripravljeni priznati. Da so bile te spremembe zelo drugačne, kot bi nekateri od nas želeli, je treba, po mojem, pripisati tudi temu, da nekateri niso opravili domače naloge, na katero napotuje spodnje besedilo.


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