Nekaj opazk k migrantski krizi (II.) – kje je odločnost v odločilnem času?

Ko sem pred dvema tednoma objavil prvi del svojih opazk k t. i. migrantski krizi, sem načrtoval naslednji zapis začeti tam, kjer sem bil končal in nadaljevati z analizo vloge medijev ter širših vidikov evropske krize identitete in vprašanj migracijske politike. Ker pa se je položaj vmes korenito zaostril in Slovenija pravkar nosi glavno breme množičnega eksodusa iz bližnjega Vzhoda, gre komentar trenutni situaciji oziroma akutni politični krizi, v kateri se je bila znašla Evropska unija. Trenutek to zahteva, medtem ko bo za širše razprave brez dvoma še dovolj časa.

Kot sem izpostavil že v prejšnjem zapisu, je naravnost strašljivo, kako je migrantska kriza – ki sicer nedvomno predstavlja zelo velik izziv – do obisti razgalila klavrno stanje evropskega projekta, ki je očitno povsem zašel v slepo ulico. Ne le, da Evropska unija ne deluje, kot bi morala delovati prava unija. Danes se zdi, kot da sploh ne obstaja. Njene težave so nam bile dobro znane že prej, a najbrž si je le redko kdo mislil, da bo že malce večji sunek, ki pa ga kljub njegovi resnosti nikakor (še) ne gre obravnavati kot katastrofo, ne le zamajal evropski projekt, temveč tudi postavil pod vprašaj njegov nadaljnji razvoj.

Continue reading

Advertisements

Tematski izbor – migrantska kriza

Namesto z običajnim tedenskim izborom se po daljšem premoru vračamo z izborom zapisov, ki se tako ali drugače dotikajo t. i. migrantske krize – teme, ki zadnje mesece stoji v ospredju in se je neposredno dotaknila tudi Slovenije. V skladu z duhom pluralizma, na katerem je utemeljen naš portal, se izbrani teksti problema lotevajo iz različnih zornih kotov. Spričo njegove kompleksnosti, večplastnosti in širine smo namenoma vključili tudi premisleke, ki ne izhajajo iz konservativnih oziroma „desnih“ pozicij.

Pri izboru pa smo se držali dveh kriterijev. Prvič: zavestno smo izbrali tekste, ki so tako ali drugače odstopali od v zadnjih mesecih prevladujoče medijske naracije, ki se je pogosto nevarno približevala propagandi enoumja. Takšne torej, ki vsebuejo bodisi bolj poglobljene premisleke, bodisi originalnejše, v primeru nekaterih pa tudi provokativnejše poglede. Drugič: omejili smo se na  zapise, ki k problemu pristopajo na razumen način. Če si delno izposodimo formulacijo časopisa Domovina, to pomeni, da smo izključili radikalna stališča iz obeh strani ideološke premice – tako tista, ki v migrantih vidijo le grožnjo oziroma priročen cilj za usmerjanje gneva, kot tudi tista, ki utopično govorijo o svetu brez meja, institucionalnega reda in nadzora ter migrante pri tem izrabljajo kot priročno orodje za širjenje lastnih ideologij.

Continue reading

Tedenski izbor

lettura

 

Kako to, da ji v Sloveniji nihče nikoli ni postavil težkih vprašanj? Kako to, da na Univerzi v Ljubljani lahko zagovarjaš znanstveni magisterij, čigar mentor je “akademski profesor”, naziv, ki ne obstaja? Kako to, da je v Sloveniji gladko prišla na najvišji položaj? Kako to, da v Sloveniji nihče ni opazil tega, kar so v prvi uri opazili evropski poslanci?

A predsednik slovenske vlade je pa lahko kar vsak? Za razliko od ministrov predsednika vlade niti domači parlamentarni odbori ne izprašajo. Pri čemer so slovenski parlamentarci praviloma vsaj taki začetniki kot bodoči ministri in debata na zaslišanjih ne dosega nivoja evropskega parlamenta. Ker imamo nestrankarsko demokracijo brez pravih politikov.

Kako to, da njenih omejitev niso opazili mediji? Z izjemo tistih, katerih fokus je bila Bandiera rossa. Kako to, da naš politični sistem na najvišje položaje pripelje ljudi, ki v mednarodnem okolju, torej zunaj akvarija, popolnoma pogorijo? Mimogrede, kakšne so pravzaprav mednarodne reference trenutnega političnega vrha? (…)

Komisarka Alenka Bratušek je rezultat akvarija, ki smo si ga naredili, ki ga vzdržujemo. Pretvarjamo se in nas pretvarjajo, da je ta akvarij vse, kar obstaja. Do so najboljši v akvariju najboljši na svetu. Na nek način je Alenka Bratušek njegova žrtev.

Nevidni akvarij Alenke Bratušek – Žiga Turk, Časnik

***

Es gibt eine Menge Dinge, die eine angehende EU-Kommissarin können muss, um das grilling zu überstehen – jene Anhörung im Europa-Parlament, bei der Kandidatinnen und Kandidaten ihre Kompetenz für das hohe Amt beweisen sollen. Über glühende Kohlen laufen zu können, gehört normalerweise nicht dazu.

Doch genau diese Qualifikation bringt Violeta Bulc mit, soeben von der slowenischen Regierung als neue EU-Kommissarin nominiert. Sie soll Sloweniens ehemalige Regierungschefin Alenka Bratusek ersetzen, der das Europaparlament die Zustimmung verweigert hatte.

Die 50 Jahre alte Bulc ist nicht bloß Eigentümerin der Beratungsfirma “Vibacom”, sondern auch begeisterte Anhängerin von Esoterik und New Age. Auf ihrem Firmen-Blog erklärt sie, an die “Kraft von Netzwerken, das holistische Individuum und positive Energie” zu glauben.

Umstrittene EU-Kandidatin Bulc: Komissarin für positive Energie – Gregor Peter Schmitz, Der Spiegel

***

Temelje negativne kadrovske selekcije je slovenska politika postavila že na začetku samostojne Slovenije. Razkril jih je Ivan Oman, ko je javno rekel: “Ni važno, da je pismen, važno, da je naš!”

Slovensko politiko tudi danes poganja vodilo: ni važno, kaj znaš, važno je, da si naš.

Zato ostaja blokovska delitev na naše in vaše, zato v slovenski politiki ni mogoče uspeti sposobnim, ki bi smeli razmišljati s svojo glavo, zato predsedniki strank nimajo dostojnih naslednikov, imajo zgolj svoje kopije. A vsaka kopija je le še slabša od originala.

V slovenski politiki so lahko uspešni samo luzerji – Uroš Urbas, Planet Siol

***

Kdaj in kako bo drugače? Takole smo zapisali v zborniku Evropska Slovenija:

»Z uveljavitvijo liberalne misli bo na prvo mesto spet stopil posameznik: svoboden, odgovoren in ustvarjalen. Iz množice takih posameznikov bodo ob ustrezni, spodbudni družbeni klimi zrasle meritorne elite z znanjem, ki bodo zagotovile človeške vire za delovanje institucij. Na drugi strani bodo ti isti posamezniki res uveljavili svojo svobodno gospodarsko pobudo in na njeni osnovi ustvarjali zasebni kapital.

Iz tega se bodo pobirali davki za delovanje institucij demokratične in pravne države, za socialne transferje najšibkejšim v družbi, presežki pa se bodo lahko namenjali za investicije v novo gospodarsko rast, kakor tudi za delovanje civilne družbe. Vse to se bo odražalo v močnih zasebnih, civilnodružbenih in državnih institucijah. Te bodo predstavljale prostor za uveljavljanje idej in bodo hkrati njihova valilnica. Večja kot bo možnost za uresničitev idej, večja bo spodbuda posameznikov za njihovo proizvodnjo. In to bo gonilo svobodomiselnega napredka.

Spoštovanje vsakega posameznika, njihova ekonomska okrepitev, razcvet civilne družbe in s tem pravega družbenega pluralizma bodo Slovenijo odprli tudi navzven in jo spremenili v svetovljansko družbo. Kot taka, odprta za pretočnost dobrih idej, ne glede na njihov izvor, bo sama po sebi pritegnila tudi številne posameznike iz sveta, ki bodo s seboj prinesli nove ideje, nov kapital in nove spodbude za nadaljnji družbeni razvoj, obenem pa bodo Slovenijo vpeli tudi v globalne okvire.«

Tako se bodo postopoma vzpostavile predpostavke Slovenije kot normalne evropske države. Tedaj ne bomo več kulturni šok za druge, temveč bomo – sebi in drugim – v iskren, a skromen ponos.

Kulturni šok v Bruslju – Matej Avbelj, Ius Info

***

Orbán exerts fascination on international commentators because he is an Anakin Skywalker-like figure who walked from the light side (democratic, liberal, anti-communist) to the dark side (illiberal and pro-Russian). But this response suggests that Orbán’s story is unique, which is unfortunately not true. Orbán is not the only opportunist populist politician who lost his enthusiasm for western-type democracies. The Turkish president Erdogan for example – who began his career as a religious hardliner – surprised many at the beginning of his political career with his moderate, reformist line of governance. Erdogan established good relations with the US, the EU, and even Israel, and made steps to calm relations with Greece. But he gradually shifted away from this political line and became a populist, nationalist conservative leader, turning against western values and allies, who now wants Turkey to walk its own way instead of belonging to a western alliance. It is symbolic that Erdogan, formerly a good ally of Israel, has just returned the award he received from the Jewish World Congress a decade ago.

This should be a wake-up call for the west: the political attractiveness of the western model is eroding, and populist politicians who have made many efforts to gain the support of the west one or two decades ago are now abandoning the western path.

More Hungarys in Eastern Europe – Péter Krekó, Open Democracy 

***

The question of a double standard on equal rights has much to do with the left’s longstanding devotion to multiculturalism and cultural relativism: that we must respect the value systems of cultures different from our own, and that, since we are all morally compromised, we shouldn’t cast stones. As Azlan points out in his CNN interview, Saudi Arabia may be the most extreme Muslim country in the Middle East, and still it’s the United States’ closest Arab ally. Too often we have funded extremist regimes in the region at the expense of fostering democracy, creating an environment for radical Islam to thrive.

But this doesn’t negate the argument that there is a double standard. Even if we admit complicity in the rise of militant Islam, we have every right to condemn the values of Islamic fundamentalists. Fears of cultural imperiousness cannot allow us to ignore or, worse, justify beliefs and behavior in other cultures that we would never accept here at home.

Yes, Bill Maher Is Boorsih. But We Shouldn’t Be Afraid to Criticize Islam – Eric Sasson, The New Republic

***

Na simbolni ravni za Stranko Mira Cerarja ni najhujše to, da je bilo za njenega županskega kandidata nedosegljivih že pet odstotkov glasov in da je v mestnem svetu šele na tretjem mestu. Ne, bistvena je njena vnaprejšnja prepustitev terena Zoranu Jankoviću. Niti za resen izziv niso imeli volje. S tem pa se SMC dokončno odmika od predstave o domnevno sredinski stranki, drugačni od predhodnic, ki so jo z njo povezovali nekateri komentatorji po volitvah.  S svojo ljubljansko kapitulacijo so Cerarjevi dokazali, da so povsem običajni nasledniki LDS in Pozitivne Slovenije,  stranka brez lastne volje v službi svojega bloka.

Majhen obliž na veliki rani – Aleš Maver, Časnik

***

Several of the traits that Dawkins displays in his campaign against religion are on show here. There is his equation of superiority with cleverness: the visiting aliens are more advanced creatures than humans because they are smarter and know more than humans do. The theory of evolution by natural selection is treated not as a fallible theorythe best account we have so far of how life emerged and developedbut as an unalterable truth, which has been revealed to a single individual of transcendent genius. There cannot be much doubt that Dawkins sees himself as a Darwin-like figure, propagating the revelation that came to the Victorian naturalist.

Among these traits, it is Dawkins’s identification with Darwin that is most incongruous. No two minds could be less alike than those of the great nineteenth-century scientist and the latter-day evangelist for atheism. Hesitant, doubtful, and often painfully perplexed, Darwin understood science as an empirical investigation in which truth is never self-evident and theories are always provisional. If science, for Darwin, was a method of inquiry that enabled him to edge tentatively and humbly toward the truth, for Dawkins, science is an unquestioned view of the world.

The Closed Mind of Richard Dawkins – John Gray, The New Republic

***

Novi nadškof ima tako vse pogoje za neodvisnost in distanco do dosedanjih škofijskih in medškofijskih upravljavskih struktur in mrež, do katerih se je zaradi toliko bolečih dogodkov v zadnjem času pojavilo veliko nezaupanja.

To bo verjetno eden od temeljnih preizkusnih kamnov novega vodenja – na eni strani graditi na vsem dobrem in v spoštovanju in pravilnem vrednotenju prispevka vsakega doslej odgovornega posameznika, po drugem pa odločnost za spremembe ter imenovanje, priznanje in odpravo nepravilnosti, napak ali celo zlorab.

Ta distanca in neodvisnost mu bosta lahko pomagali pri uvajanju potrebnih sprememb, če bo želel in če se bo na to prednost seveda tudi naslonil.

Prvi vtisi o novem ljubljanskem nadškofu – Štefan Kržišnik, Iskreni.net

***

Caring for your corner, making the world a better place, one square foot at a time: this is localism, and conservatism, at root. Supporting the foundations, heritage, and traditions that one has inherited. Using one’s talents and gifts to build a better street, a better neighborhood, a better town or city.

Why Cities Need Localists – Gracy Olmstead, The American Conservative

***

An atemporal victory of masculinity over the principle of femininity is no victory. A life without history, without children, without season, without going back, without produce besides money, without a fixed vision of “the other side of the river,” just the daily, masturbatory existence of constant acquisition and forward-plowing line without end — this over-masculization is as much a source of impotence, rage and violence as it is of millionaires, and could as easily end in prolonged video-gaming as becoming a CEO. Women, by the very mystery of their form, embody a conception of time that teaches men to rise to the fullness of their humanity — to resist the temptation to violence which is a foremost perversion of masculinity.

It is far more difficult to speak of what the masculinity offers to femininity, for while I daily receive an education from the latter, marvel at the fact, and can attest to its reality — women are awfully quiet about whether men are doing them any good. But if I were to venture a guess, I would say that the masculine form is an education in teleology — in achieving an end. It is written in the very muscular structure of the male form — to accomplish the task, to complete the mission, to do and do well, to use strength.

Masculine and Feminine Time – Marc Barnes, Bad Catholic

***

Razsežnost vojne je pomenila, da je kruto realnost jarkov na svoji koži izkusil marsikateri slikar, pesnik in pisatelj. Med slovenskimi ustvarjalci je bil v takih kritikah šaljivo oster prav Hinko Smrekar, ki je v svojih podobah in zapisih obsojal vojno, opozarjal na njen nesmisel in razgalil brutalnost avtoritarnega vojaškega sistema. S svojim begom v zaigrano blaznost pa postal “simbol usode malega človeka v spopadu z represivnim militarizmom”. Žal je v drugem velikem svetovnem spopadu sam postal del tragike in nesmisla, na katerega je opozarjal. Na prvi oktobrski dan leta 1942 so ga po brutalnem zaslišanju v Gramozni jami ustrelili fašisti. Če je pogreb minil brez prisotnosti znancev, pa je bil drugi dan Smrekarjev grob ves pokrit s cvetjem.

Zaigrana blaznost Hinka Smrekarja – Maja Kač, MMC RTVSLO

***

Starejši občani so, kot je znano, pogosto tarča raznih vsiljivcev. Ker neprijetni pripetljaj, ki se je zgodil Mesečevim starim staršem tudi ni edini, v bodoče malce več pozornosti ne bo odveč.

Pozor starejši: vsiljivi novinarji revije Reporter na vratih! – Uroš Abram, Spletna Mladina

***

Državnega monopolista niso še nikoli prisilili v učinkovitost s tem, da so mu dali več denarja. Ukrotiš ga lahko le, če ga izpostaviš odprti konkurenci ali pa ga preprosto ukineš.

Konkurenca pri avtomobilskem zavarovanju deluje, prav tako deluje ločitev na obvezni in prostovoljni del zavarovanja (na primer kasko). Na podoben način bi lahko delovala tudi pri zdravstvenem zavarovanju in tudi deluje v številnih državah, po katerih se sicer radi zgledujemo, na primer v Nemčiji, Avstriji ali na Nizozemskem.

Če bi konkurenco dopustili, bi jo ZZZS najprej skušal onemogočiti, podobno, kot je Telekom nekoč onemogočal konkurenčne ponudnike storitev. Tako kot se agenciji za varstvo konkurence in za telekomunikacije dolgo nista hoteli spraviti nad Telekom, se verjetno tudi agencija za zavarovalni nadzor ne bi lahkega srca spravila nad ZZZS. Ko bi se, bi se moral ta končno prilagoditi. Morda bi kar sam predlagal spremembo upravljavske strukture, se trše pogajal z dobavitelji in z lastnimi močmi preganjal korupcijo.

Ukinitev dopolnilnega zavarovanja je slepilni manever – Janez Šušteršič, Planet Siol

***

Wealth inequality is generated not by intrinsic features of capitalism—the most important of which, in Taleb’s view, is that every participant is exposed to the losses that go hand in hand with risk—but from specific state and central-bank policies that reward leveraged speculation and enable financiers to play with no skin in the game. In Taleb’s trenchant phrase, financial inequalities are “one crash away from reallocation.”

This suggests that one way to address both wealth inequality and speculative excesses is to rewrite the rules so that participants must have skin in the game. Whether this is possible in an era of regulatory capture by the very financiers the rules aim to corral is an open question. Wallerstein’s school, like Piketty, also overlooks the transformative power of the factors Giovanni Arrighi—another disciple of Braudel and author of The Long Twentieth Century—identifies as the key drivers of capital accumulation: attracting entrepreneurs and mobile capital.

What could replace the current iteration of global state-capitalism? If we assemble these three potentially transformative dynamics—degrowth, the recoupling of risk and loss, and entrepreneurial mobile capital—we discern a new and potentially productive teleological arc to global capitalism, one that moves from a capitalism based on financial hyper-centralization and obsession with rising consumption to one focused on more efficient use of resources and capital via decentralization and localized innovation.

Is There Capitalism After Cronysm? – Charles Hugh Smith, The American Conservative

Tedenski izbor

civilwar

Glasilo Ljubljana, ki ga izdaja Mestna občina Ljubljana, v zadnji številki sploh ne omenja drugih kandidatov na prihajajočih lokalnih volitvah. Seveda je v glasilu dovolj prostora namenjenega aktualnemu županu Zoranu Jankoviću in njegovim projektom, pri Transparency International ugotavljajo, da je publikacija za skoraj 55 odstotkov daljša od običajne take publikacije, zaznali so podobnost med oblikovnimi rešitvami v občinskem glasilu in v propagandnem gradivu liste Zorana Jankovića.

Jankovićevo glasilo se je znašlo v ‘sivi coni’ – Novica Mihajlović, Finance

***

Pope Francis isn’t the best thing to happen to the Gospel in our lifetime, just as he isn’t the best thing to happen to the global economy, politics, or ecumenism. He’d surely tell you that himself if you asked. He is, though—by his own admission—an example of a life lived in Christ, and of a sinner saved by a merciful God. His pontificate is a story worth retelling to our children and grandchildren, and more importantly one worth listening to carefully and with rapt attention. Not because its characters are played by the biggest stars, but because the writing is just so damn good.

Pope Francis is a Toxic Asset – Andrew M. Haines, Ethika Politika

***

To be sure, I had many other Evangelical apologetic heroes, who were not only outstanding scholars in their respective disciplines, but also good and decent people as well. In the case of this latter group, however, unlike the former, they were men and women of prayer, devotion, deep piety, and personal charity.  Because their Christian faith was not reducible to cerebral combat, they had an attractive manner and radiated a sense of joy, contentment, and real intellectual curiosity.  I wanted to be like them.

After I re-entered the Catholic world nearly eight years ago, I discovered a similar phenomenon. Some Catholic apologists were like the first group I had encountered as an Evangelical: they often had wonderful arguments, but ugly souls. They seemed perpetually angry, dismissing critics as blind fools motivated by bad faith.

Others, to my great joy, were like the latter group. They understood that evangelization is not just about introducing your neighbors to arguments in order to win them to Jesus; it is about introducing Jesus to your neighbors through one’s example so that they may be drawn in to listen to your arguments. This is what I believe Pope Francis is trying to teach the Church about the New Evangelization.

Reason Is More than Just Arguments – Francis J. Beckwith, The Catholic Thing

***

Nekaj hinavskega je v našem glorificiranju uspehov Slovencev v tujini. Posamezniki, ki jih ni nihče povohal, dokler so delovali na domačih tleh, so se spremenili v genije in superjunake, takoj ko so švignili čez mejo. Časopisi, ki so jih dolga leta ignorirali, zdaj objavljajo naslove v stilu »Doma neznan, v tujini pa velika zvezda!«. Pri tem uredniki seveda pozabljajo, da so jim domačo prepoznavnost onemogočali ravno oni sami, ko jim niso hoteli nameniti prostora. Na podoben način država, ki se tako rada hvali z mednarodnimi dosežki svojih državljanov, noče podpreti njihovih projektov doma. Zmage naših športnikov fetišiziramo v nedogled, a mirno sprejemamo stradanje domačih klubov, iz katerih so ti vrhunski igralci izšli. Ujeli smo se v zanko naših lastnih moralizmov: če je uspeh v tujini junaštvo, potem je domači uspeh lahko le lopovščina. Treba je torej ljudem preprečiti možnost uveljavljanja, da se ne spridijo. Tako je edina rešitev, ki ostane, da vse sposobne ljudi pošljemo ven, v Slovenijo pa pripeljemo tujce.

Samo ven! – N’Toko, Mladina

***

Ker je bilo v socialističnem sistemu pravo potemtakem v celoti instrumentalizirano za politične cilje, ti pa so se z muhavostjo partije lahko spreminjali iz dneva v dan, tako da je bilo stanje za pravne akterje skrajno negotovo, Uzelac ugotavlja, da so pravniki, zlasti pa sodniki, razvili celo plejado metod, kako slednjič ne-odločiti v zadevi. Poleg razvlečenega sojenja, razpisovanja na desetine obravnav, neuspešnega vabljenja strank, prič, nepotrebnih izvedencev, iskanja materialne resnice itd., Uzelac trdi, da je najbolj izpiljena metoda v izogib sprejetju vsebinske odločitve in s tem tudi odgovornosti zanjo bila razveljavitev sodbe in vrnitev v ponovno odločanje na prvo stopnjo. Kot slikovito zapiše avtor: »ta vrtiljak se je lahko vrtel toliko, kolikor je bilo potrebno, de je slednjič odpadla družbena potreba po odločitvi v zadevi.«

/…/

Rezultat je bila frapantna neučinkovitost sodstva in vse, kar dobro poznamo tudi iz lastnih slovenskih izkušenj v povezavi z nespoštovanjem pravice do sojenja v razumnem roku.

Kljub temu Uzelac sklene, da se vse opisano ne bo kaj kmalu spremenilo. Še več (post-) socialistično pravo je po njegovem zacementirano za naslednjih nekaj desetletij in to vse bolj glasnim javnim kritikam navkljub. Vse to pa, na nek način paradoksalno, zahvaljujoč zahodnim standardom, katerih uveljavitev so terjali zavezniki v najrazličnejših evropskih integracijah. Med temi prednjači neodvisnost sodstva. Pod njeno krinko, ugotavlja Uzelac, se ohranja vse staro na način preverjenega, izbranega kadriranja; preprečevanja vseh kritik, tudi legitimnih, in to »na sindikalni način, ki nekritično brani vsakega člana svojega ceha.«

Socialistični pravni cement – Matej Avbelj, Iusinfo

***

Čakam odrešitelja – ministra za pravosodje, recimo -, ki bo dal sodnikom diskrecijsko pravico, da nekatere tožbe zavržejo. Zakaj bi se moral tako velik del sodnega aparata (če primere seštejemo) ukvarjati z bagatelnimi bizarnostmi trmastih ljudi? Predstavljajte si ves ta pogon, profesionalni in privatni: posvetovanje z odvetnikom, pa sestavljanje tožb, pa samo še brezplačna pravna pomoč se manjka, pa mastne odvetniške tarife, pa razpis naroka, pa nekaj obravnav, pa propadle mediacije, pa zapisničarkino histerično tipkanje, pa vse te slovnične pomote in célo stran dolgi stavki, pa vročanje in prevzemanje pošte itd. itd. Celi ducati ljudi zapravljajo ure in ure dela, za katero so sicer v službi, in denarja, ki je sicer davkoplačevalski – koga to briga, ne? -, samo zato, ker se dva človeka ne moreta dogovoriti o neki popolni neumnosti, ki nikogar na svetu, razen njiju, ne zanima in katere objektivna vrednost je tako rekoč enaka nič!

Ah, saj res, Slovenija mora biti pravna država, kajneda? Od pametnih pravnikov pričakujem, da bodo našli rešitev za onemogočenje tožarjenja za irelevantnosti, ki so v izrazitem nesorazmerju z za to potrebnim vložkom oziroma trudom sodnega aparata, in ki obenem ne bo kršila človekove pravice do sodnega varstva, kadar gre za nekaj pomembnega in tudi resnično materialno vrednega.

Bela tehnika, črna kronika: pralni ali pravni stroj – Marko Crnkovič, Primorske novice

***

Kliše, ki v Sloveniji noče in noče umreti, govori o urbani levici in provincialni desnici, kar naj bi pomagalo pojasniti dosedanje volilne rezultate v Ljubljani kot “rdeči trdnjavi”. Če se vrnemo na izhodiščno dilemo – koga v tej državi pravzaprav zastopa t. i. levica – smo se znašli pred paradoksom, saj obstaja tudi primer Maribora, kjer je socialna struktura prebivalstva neprimerljivo bolj proletarska kot v Ljubljani, pa je bil vseeno za župana že dvakrat izvoljen Franc Kangler, čigar ljudska stranka stranka niti po definiciji ni levičarska.

Lublana je še naprej bulana – Dejan Steinbuch, Finance

***

Težko se je tedaj znebiti vtisa, da puščajo sedanji »novi obrazi« za ohranitev ljubega miru na levi sredini razmeroma velik ljubljanski fevd padlega bivšega novega obraza namenoma nedotaknjen in v polnem obsegu, ne oziraje se na vse homatije v zadnjem letu in pol.  Kar bi moralo verjetno sprožiti kakšno neprijetno vprašanje o enakih vatlih, a ga morda niti ne bo.

Vsaj v nečem se ljubljanskemu in še kakšnemu »večnemu županu«  rahlo poznajo tegobe obdobja, ki je minilo med dvema svetovnima nogometnima prvenstvoma. Zaradi občasno močno povišanih tonov proti praksam obstoječe politike je njihova javna navzočnost manj izrazita in bo bržkone tudi proslavljanje zmag manj bučno kakor nekdaj. Pa še kak njihov volivec bo ob vprašanju, komu je oddal glas, raje zamenjal temo.

Parcelice in veleparcela – Aleš Maver, Časnik

***

Mr Orban outlined his longer-term vision in a much-noted speech on July 26th in Baile Tusnade, in neighbouring Romania. Hungary, he explained, would become an “illiberal state”. Speaking admiringly of Russia, China and Turkey, he said Hungary would remain a democracy, and not reject liberal principles such as freedom of speech, but would be based on “a different, special, national approach”. The approach, say critics, was evident earlier this month when police raided the Budapest office of Okotars, an NGO that manages funds from Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein, and confiscated computers and documents for alleged financial mismanagement. Okotars strongly denies the charge. The police raid was “completely unacceptable”, thundered Vidar Helgesen, Norway’s minister for Europe.

The show of force has sent shivers through Hungary’s non-profit sector. The EU had no comment, as the NGOs are funded by Norway. But Kate Byrnes, the deputy chief of America’s OSCE mission, demanded that Hungary allow NGOs to operate without “further harassment, interference or intimidation”, repeating earlier protests.

Orban the Unstoppable – The Economist

***

Po Mitchellovih opažanjih in analizah so baltske države najbolj tržno usmerjene, Skandinavija pa prosti trg združuje z veliko vlado. Francozi so brezupen primer, saj po eni strani hočejo veliko, socialno in redistributivno državo, ki jo na drugi strani sami goljufajo. Južne ekonomije so v globokih težavah.

Uničile so svoj socialni kapital, delovno etiko in zanašanje nase. Vlade v južnih državah so prevelike in demografska razmerja so obupna in … Pravzaprav imam svojo različico Evrope dveh hitrosti. Južna bo propadla in večina severne bo ugotovila, kako preživeti in se reformirati. Ne bi bil presenečen, če v južni Evropi čez 10 ali 20 let ne bi bilo več demokracije.”

Kje v takšnih razlikah med evropskimi državami vidi Slovenijo? “/…/ Moj občutek mi govori, da je Slovenija podobna severni Italiji – zmerno produktivna, zmerno dobro izobražena, z veliko impresivnimi zmožnostmi, a s političnim sistemom, ki jo drži nazaj. To bi bil moj preprost sklep. Če bi severna Italija postala švicarski kanton, bi njeno gospodarstvo cvetelo. Ljudje bi živeli v političnem sistemu, ki deluje, namesto da jih, tako kot zdaj, nadzoruje disfunkcionalni Rim. Menim, da bi Slovenija prav tako dosegala precej višje stopnje rasti, če bi bila vodena kot švicarski kanton. Slovenija je namreč sposobna hitrejšega razvoja, toda ne v obstoječem političnem okolju.”

Če bi bila Slovenija vodena kot švicarski kanton … – Pogovor z ameriškim predavateljem Danielom Mitchellom, MMC

***

Očitno je, da so ti ljudje, izbrisani, mnogo pretrpeli, utrpeli so krivico. To mora biti popravljeno. Vendar pa naj se v to, prosim, ne vpleta Jožeta Pučnika. Znova sem prebral tisti njegov sporni govor, besedo za besedo, tako kot je o njem poročalo Delo. Ne vem točno, kaj je želel povedati. Vendar pa sem ga poznal. Ko Jože Pučnik reče, da je potrebno neko zadevo razrešiti »humano, socialno in pravno demokratično«, misli natanko to. O tem ste lahko prepričani. Bil je najbolj pokončna in pravična oseba, kar sem jih kadarkoli poznal. No, nekateri očitno mislijo, da je te besede izgovoril na izjemno ciničen način, kot kakšen SS-Obersturmbannführer, ki Zyklon B označi za »humano rešitev«. Bog jim pomagaj, jaz jim ne morem.
Zlo, ki ga povzročijo ljudje, jih preživi, dobro je pogosto pokopano z njihovimi kostmi. Prepričan sem, da je Božo Repe častivreden mož. In prav tako so vsi, vsi častivredni. Vsake toliko uživajo v blatenju, vendar to ne more omadeževati njih samih. Kajne?

Nasprotujem nacionalizmu kot konceptu – intervju z Marcusom Pučnikom, Razpotja

***

Prav zato smo se osamosvojili in kot dokaz večstoletnega boja za narodno osvoboditev ustvarili svojo državo, ki je utemeljena, tako večkrat poudarja tudi slovensko Ustavno sodišče, na vrednostnem prelomu s prejšnjo Socialistično federativno republiko Jugoslavijo. Izjave predsednika Državnega zbora kažejo na to, da si sam tega preloma ne želi in zato tudi ne zmore. Pritrjevanje pozivom k ponovnemu obveznemu uvajanju srbo-hrvaščine v osnovne šole, objokovanje izgube domnevnih komparativnih prednosti na Balkanu zaradi neznanja tega jezika, dokazujejo njegovo ujetost v miselni in politični kontekst, ki ga ni mogoče poimenovati Evropska Slovenija, ki nasprotuje etosu slovenske ustave in zato vsemu, kar naj bi predstavljal Državni zbor kot njen vsakodnevni izvrševalec.

In morda najbolj pomembno: nikjer v zahodni civilizaciji, še posebej pa ne po grozotah druge svetovne vojne, ne boste našli visokega politika, ki bi povojne poboje pojasnil z golim upoštevanjem naravnega prava s strani tedanjih oblastnikov. Gre za izjavo, ki je nevredna intelektualca, še manj univerzitetnega predavatelja mednarodnih odnosov in ki je naravnost škandalozna za predsednika Državnega zbora države, ki jo vse mogoče krivice, storjene v in po drugi svetovni vojni tako zelo bremenijo še danes. Bistvo naravnega prava, kot ga poznamo v zahodni civilizaciji, je pravičnost sama na sebi, v naravi stvari, ki v posebej hudih okoliščinah celo terja umik pozitivnega prava, ki ga sprejme človek in njegove institucije. Trditi, da so povojni poboji odraz take pravičnosti je bodisi skregano z zdravo pametjo bodisi, če je mišljeno resno, skrajno zavržno. Povojni, in zares vsakršni poboji, nimajo ničesar opraviti s kakršnimkoli pravom, še najmanj pa naravnim. So preprosto proti-pravni.

Javno vprašanje Društva Evropska Slovenija predsedniku Državnega zbora

Tedenski izbor

kertesz

Sam nisem voznik, zato vsaki kritiki, ki jo naslovim na samozavestnega slovenskega voznika, sledi: »Ko boš imel vozniški izpit, boš že razumel!« Dober voznik ne potrebuje legitimacije drugega, dovolj mu je dejstvo, da je on voznik in vozi tako, kot je pač v navadi v teh krajih. Legitimacije ne pridobi z odgovorno soudeležbo v občem prostoru prometa, kjer so pravila jasna in vsakemu udeležencu že prej znana, temveč sam od sebe, v neke vrste cehovski solidarnosti, s tiho zavestjo, da si to lahko privošči, ker je močnejši. Ni promet kot občost tista, ki nekomu podeli status dobrega voznika, temveč je dober voznik tisti, ki ustvarja stanje v prometu.

S takimi dobrimi vozniki se srečujemo na vsakem ovinku svojega bivanja. Ko se pogajamo z občinskimi politiki in lokalnimi veljaki, ko poskušamo sodelovati z odgovornimi v javnih inštitucijah na področju kulture in drugih družbenih dejavnostih, ko se moramo meniti s poldržavnimi gospodarstveniki, študentskimi funkcionarji itd. Nihče se ne počuti kot del neke občosti, da je odgovoren do nje, in da bo legitimacijo, ali dela dobro ali ne, dobil ravno v tem, ko bodo vsi njeni udeleženci bolj optimalno delovali. Ne, že samo dejstvo, da so se prebili do neke pozicije in počnejo stvari tako, kot je v navadi, je čisto dovoljšnje upravičenje za njihovo nadaljnje delovanje.

»Ko boš imel vozniški izpoit, boš že razumel!« – Miha Kosovel, Časnik

***

Redukcija politike na boj med klientelami je, res, značilnost Vzhodne Evrope. In sploh perifernih držav. To pa se dogaja prav zato, ker te države niso vzpostavile učinkovitega mehanizma izmenjave elit. Ravno zato, ker v premnogih družbenih podsistemih vlada kadrovska inertnost, postane skrajna politizacija edini način, kako stvari premakniti iz mrtve točke. Politični boj se sprevrže v borbo za pozicije v javnem sektorju in paradržavnih strukturah, saj se zdi, da po normalni poti, prek kriterijev meritokratske selekcije, ni mogoče spremeniti ničesar. Javni sektor postane sistem dodeljevanja rent in sinekur političnim privržencem, ki v zameno skrbijo za širjenje »ideološke« (beri: kulturnobojne) megle, ki zakriva, za kaj v resnici gre. To stanje je gojišče vse bolj nezmernih idej o raznih »neoliberalnih revolucijah« – ki pa ne morejo priti do besede drugače kot z jezikom kulturnega boja, kar je voda na mlin taistim predatorskim elitam. Začarani krog.

O plemenitem poslanstvu Grege Repovža – Luka G. Lisjak, Časnik

***

Še vedno sem prepričan, da sta SDS in Janša glavna za kakršenkoli preobrat na bolje v Sloveniji. Na žalost pa kaže, da SDS sporočila volitev še ni dojela. Po objavi rezultatov so izdali javno sporočilo, ki še najbolj spominja na kakšen razglas zvezne partije v času, ko je nekdanja država že razpadala po vseh šivih, in se je nanašal na neko resničnost, ki je živela samo še v glavah zveznih funkcionarjev. Ko bo Janševa obsodba razveljavljena, mu Slovenija ne bo razvila rdeče preproge in ga povabila, naj postane imperator. Na žalost bo odziv sistema in tudi velike večine prebivalcev »business as usual«. Kardinal Rode je spomnil, da sta tudi Gandi in Mandela po prihodu iz zapora prevzela vodenje preporoda države. Vendar je prvi pogoj za to, da se nekaj podobnega zgodi tudi pri nas, da Janša pride iz zapora vsaj kot pol Gandi ali pol Mandela. Če pride kot stoodstotni Janša ali celo 150-odstotni Janša, se bo čedalje večji del zmernega volilnega spektra, tistega, ki ga je za premierski položaj podprl leta 2004, odvračal od njega.

Post mortem – Blaž Vodopivec, Finance

***

Če smo demokrati, imamo zato samo eno možnost: spoštovati voljo ljudi in strpno sprejeti dejstvo, da je Janez Janša poslanec. Ali so njegovi volilci normalni? Da. Preprosto verjamejo, da je nedolžen in po krivem obsojen. In glede na šlamastiko slovenskega pravosodja, ki je prepleteno z mafijskimi omrežji pokvarjenih sodnic in sodnikov, imajo svoje argumente. Ali je vso to dogajanje zdravo za Slovenijo? Niti slučajno.

SDS je stranka, ki je danes ni mogoče vključiti v politični proces vodenja države. Je stranka destrukcije, ki s svojim pomembnim deležem pridobljenim na volitvah zaradi svoje strategije krči parlamentarni prostor. Je stranka, ki nima namena sodelovati in se pogovarjati z nikomer. Niti z najbližjimi, celo partnerji. Tako kot ima Italija težave z destruktivnostjo predstavnikov Beppe Grilla, ima tudi Slovenija težavo s tem, da petina parlamentarnega prostora nima namena sodelovati pri vodenju države. Tej petini pa se je sedaj pridružila tudi Združena levica, ki destrukcijo vodi z drugega kota. Zato je maneverski prostor pomembno zožen in terja še toliko več dialoga med preostalimi zmernimi političnimi silami. Ta strategija SDS je z vidika volilnega rezultata samomorilska. Zaradi take kampanje so samo na zadnjih volitvah izgubili vsaj pet odstotkov. Z vidika politike, ki hoče uspeh na volitvah ter nato vladati, je taka strategija torej nespametna.

Toda ta strategija je z njihovega vidika povsem utemeljena in celo edina možna etična drža.

A je to demokracija, da je Janša poslanec? – Sebastjan Jeretič, Neurovirtu

***

I recognize the Fox Geezer Syndrome these readers identify. This is what happens when conservatism becomes an ideology instead of an approach to life. It indicates an extremely unconservative temperament, frankly. /…/ These Fox Geezers may well be conservative in their politics, right down the line. What they’re doing, though, is allowing politics to consume their minds and their entire lives, such that they are making impossible the kinds of things that true conservatives ought to be dedicated to conserving: that is, the permanent things, like family. I have been around Fox Geezers before, and I see absolutely no difference between them and the kind of self-righteous loudmouths on the left that make reasonable discussion impossible, because all problems are reduced to a conflict between Good and Evil, and decided in advance.

The tragedy — and I think it is exactly that — is that the elderly often have great wisdom to share with the younger generations, to say nothing of the fact that it is they who have the long view, and who ought to understand how important it is to nurture bonds among family members, especially across the generations. Yet in these cases, it is they who behave like teenagers and twentysomethings, full of piss and vinegar and a toxic certainty, plus a radioactive impulse to crusade. What they lack is the principal conservative virtue: Prudence.

Fox Geezer Syndrome – Rod Dreher, The American Conservative

***

It’s not that abortion opponents don’t really care about abortion as such, but only about sexual mores, but that political language is necessarily corrupt because its purpose is pornographic in the sense that it is intended to provoke action, not increase understanding.

/…/

I really, really do believe that the more seriously you take the proposition that abortion is categorically immoral, the more morally imperative it is for you not to hitch your wagon to the star of either political party. Nothing is more corrupting of the anti-abortion cause than its subsumption into a culture war that is fundamentally – fundamentally – about making it easier for politicians to get re-elected.

You Know What’s Murder? Politics Is Murder – Noah Millman, The American Conservative

***

It is not an accident that the three key planks of the Left-wing outlook today – the anti-Israel anti-war sentiment, the shallow anti-capitalism of Occupy, and the worship of those who leak info from within the citadels of power – should all have had issues with anti-Semitism. It is because the left, feeling isolated from the public and bereft of any serious means for understanding modern political and economic affairs, has bought into a super-simplistic, black-and-white, borderline David Icke view of the world as a place overrun and ruled by cabals and cults and sinister lobby groups. And who has always, without fail, been the final cabal, the last cult, to find themselves shouldering the ultimate blame for the warped, hidden workings of politics, the economy and foreign turmoil? You got it – the Jews.

 Is the Left Anti-Semitic? Sadly, it is heading that way – Brendan O’Neill, The Daily Telegraphy

***

Up until now, even European politicians who were paying attention to developments in Hungary — German Chancellor Angela Merkel, for example — believed that they didn’t have any political capital to spare amid the euro crisis. It was difficult enough for European leaders to bully Greek governments into drastic spending cuts; they didn’t want to be seen lecturing small central European nations on democratic norms as well. But given the current perception, right or wrong, that the continent’s financial crisis is no longer acute, Brussels and Europe’s bigger states may finally get serious about Orban. They should understand that the new ideological conflict — liberal versus illiberal Europe — is a greater danger to the foundations of the EU than the euro crisis. Of course money matters — but a rising antiliberalism inside the EU, inspired and materially supported by Putin, could tear the Union apart morally and, ultimately, politically. Orban has done the rest of Europe a favor by spelling out his illiberal intentions so openly — and making it clear just how high the stakes are.

Moscow’s Trojan Horse: In Europe’s Ideological War, Hungary Picks Putinism – Jan-Werner Müller, Foreign Affairs

***

I’d respectfully argue that libertarianism is neither dangerous nor doomed, and that people who think otherwise are misled by a double standard they use when analyzing this political faction. When they write about a “libertarian moment,” they act as if it would mean the immediate embrace of an extreme, ideologically pure version of a philosophy that most actual sympathizers embrace with pragmatic moderation. Yes, if the most radical faction of any ideology that has never before exercised power was suddenly put in charge, that might well end in disaster. But in the real world, libertarian ideas will only ever be implemented partially in a system of checks and balances where modest reforms are difficult to achieve, never mind sweeping, rapid changes. It’s true, but trivially so, that neither a libertarian nor a liberal nor conservative utopia is coming. But liberals and conservatives exercise power regularly, so no one is under the silly illusion that their ascendance would entail a pure ideological program untempered by reality.

“Is libertarian economics at all realistic?” Krugman asks, as if the question is coherent. There are deep disagreements among libertarians about economic policy. There is never a moment when an entire economic philosophy comes up for a vote. It may just be that libertarian thinkers are correct on the merits of some policies, like rent control, and incorrect on others, like the gold standard, and that the prudent thing for a pluralistic society would be to adopt their best ideas and insights, rather than preemptively declaring all libertarian economic ideas unrealistic.

Libertarians Can Be a Significant Force for Good in U.S. Politics – Conor Friedersdorf, The Atlantic

***

 

Prostitution is moving online whether governments like it or not. If they try to get in the way of the shift they will do harm. Indeed, the unrealistic goal of ending the sex trade distracts the authorities from the genuine horrors of modern-day slavery (which many activists conflate with illegal immigration for the aim of selling sex) and child prostitution (better described as money changing hands to facilitate the rape of a child). Governments should focus on deterring and punishing such crimes—and leave consenting adults who wish to buy and sell sex to do so safely and privately online.

Prostitution: A personal Choice – The Economist

 

***

Compared to virtually all comedians today, Williams was a gentleman. He certainly wasn’t a jerk in the mode of Johnny Carson or Seinfeld. Nor did he content himself with ironically orbiting life with sad eyes in the mode of Bill Murray. He was hardly ever gratuitously gross, because he knew, even as a performer, he had grown-up responsibilities. Even though, in my opinion, Louis C.K. is funnier and maybe deeper, he has a lot to learn about being a grown-up, to say nothing of a gentleman.

Williams, apparently, never achieved in his own life the self-confidence and self-knowledge of his best characters. He seemed never to have been quite comfortable in his own skin. Too much restlessness and not enough serenity. He was a great man.

Robin WIlliams as a Man in Full – Peter Augustine Lawler, National Review

 

Tedenski izbor

library-reading

The enormity of the destruction of flight MH17 should have led Mr Putin to draw back from his policy of fomenting war in eastern Ukraine. Yet he has persevered, for two reasons. First, in the society he has done so much to mould, lying is a first response. The disaster immediately drew forth a torrent of contradictory and implausible theories from his officials and their mouthpieces in the Russian media: Mr Putin’s own plane was the target; Ukrainian missile-launchers were in the vicinity. And the lies got more complex. The Russian fiction that a Ukrainian fighter jet had fired the missile ran into the problem that the jet could not fly at the altitude of MH17, so Russian hackers then changed a Wikipedia entry to say that the jets could briefly do so. That such clumsily Soviet efforts are easily laughed off does not defeat their purpose, for their aim is not to persuade but to cast enough doubt to make the truth a matter of opinion. In a world of liars, might not the West be lying, too?

A Web of Lies: Russia. MH17, and the West – The Economist

***

As America grew and changed after World War II, urban planners dismissed the historic structure of town life. Old buildings were demolished to make way for modern architecture. Neighborhoods gave way to suburbs designed around and for the automobile. Not only did this erase the aesthetic loveliness of our towns, it had dangerous consequences for community. Alexandria’s battle to preserve something small and traditional amid the burgeoning sprawl of the nation’s capital region is a struggle with obvious parallels to the efforts of traditionalist conservatives around the country—those who believe in creative preservation, not just creative destruction. But there’s more at stake here, too: a future for American urbanism that doesn’t just hold onto the best of the past but makes it a viable, enlivening pattern for the 21st century as well. Redevelopment must be handled with a delicate touch, careful not to stretch or tear the precious fabric that makes a town a place.

The Battle of Alexandria – Gracy Olmstead, The American Conservative

***

Young Democrats have become selfishly against real equality in their opposition to any kind of moral restraint imposed by government. They’re the party of uninhibited freedom in one’s own personal life. And they are no longer moved by any sensitivity to the injustices of the growing inequality — or the struggles of the failing middle class — that are the consequences of the unmediated effects of the global competitive marketplace on ordinary American lives. Well, I’ve been saying for a while that big-government progressivism, or the communitarian Left, is dead.

Is Progressivism Dead? – Peter Augustine Lawler, National Review

***

According to Orbán, the time of liberal democracies has come to an end. Something else, something better will come that will ensure “competitiveness” in this global economy. Orbán mentioned a few countries worth imitating: Singapore, China, India, Turkey, and Russia. What a happy prospect in the center of Europe!

Close to the end of his speech Orbán listed a number of unexpected global occurrences. For example, no one would have ever imagined that Barack Obama could be sued by Congress for repeatedly encroaching on Congress’s power. He expressed his utter astonishment and continued: “What do you think, how long could I stay in office if parliament could sue me for overstepping our authority?” Viktor Orbán does not even pretend. He tells the whole world that he has unlimited power. He has no shame. In fact, he is proud of it.

Foreign journalists should no longer have to pretend either. They don’t have to use milquetoast adjectives like “conservative,” “right-of-center,” and “conservative-nationalist” anymore. Call it what it is. A one-man dictatorship with more or less free but unfair elections.

Viktor Orbán’s Hungary: An Illiberal Democracy – Hungarian Spectrum

***

While you are on the demonstration, if passersby disagree with you about Israel and Gaza, do not surround them, shove them, steal their phone and call them a “Jew Zionist”. Having a different view of where blame and responsibility lie in the current conflict does not make someone a proxy-combatant for you to attack.

While you are at the demonstration, do not compare Israel to Nazi Germany. Gaza is not the Warsaw Ghetto. If you can’t tell the difference, this post explains it. It’s a totally false comparison that plays on Jewish sensibilities in order to provoke a reaction. Another word for that is Jew-baiting. Don’t do it.

In fact, don’t take any banner or placard that has a swastika on it. Not when it is equated with a Star of David and not when it is drawn on Bibi Netanyahu’s forehead. Don’t you find it odd that the only political demonstrations where it is considered OK by people on the Left to wave a swastika, just happen to be protests against the world’s only Jewish state? That’s an almighty coincidence.

Oh, and don’t wave a Socialist Worker banner out of the window of a Lamborghini. It makes you look like a shmuck. And I bet you don’t even need your Jewish friends to translate what that means.

An Open Letter to Pro-Palestinian Protestors – Dave Rich, The Huffington Post 

***

There is no moral justification for Hamas firing rockets against Israeli cities, but what initially sparked the current conflict was Israel’s determination to undermine the reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas. By that agreement, Hamas actually subordinated itself to the Palestinian Authority and to a new government that was to be staffed by technocrats who had no affiliation to either party. As Nathan Thrall from the International Crisis Group wrote in The New York Times, that agreement could have served the interest of an Israeli government committed to a two-state solution:

It offered Hamas’s political adversaries a foothold in Gaza; it was formed without a single Hamas member; it retained the same Ramallah-based prime minister, deputy prime ministers, finance minister and foreign minister; and, most important, it pledged to comply with the three conditions for Western aid long demanded by America and its European allies: nonviolence, adherence to past agreements and recognition of Israel.

But from the beginning, Israel set out to undermine it. That was consistent with Israel’s denial of Palestinian self-rule, and it helped to provoke the current conflict.

Who Bears More Responsibility for the War in Gaza? – John B. Judis, The New Republic

***

Vse navedeno kaže, da pisanja na roko nikakor ne gre izrinjati iz šolskih klopi na račun uvajanja računalniških pripomočkov, kakršne so tablice. Te naj bodo le dopolnilo ostalim oblikam učenja in poučevanja. Kako tablice delujejo, otroci dovolj zgodaj ugotovijo sami, v šoli bi moral biti poudarek na drugih aktivnostih, meni Tancigova. Pisanje na roko spodbuja tudi razvoj fine motorike; predmeti, v okviru katerih se odvijajo telesne aktivnosti in spodbuja kreativnost (umetnost), bi morali imeti več prostora v šolskem kurikulu. Finski arhitekt in izjemni mislec Juhani Pallasmaa v knjigi Misleča roka(izid izvirnika 2009) zelo dobro pokaže pomen povezanosti telesa in možganov (utelešena kognicija) ter poudarja povezovanje uma in roke ter pomen ročnega risanja pri ustvarjalnem delu.

Uporaba sodobnih tehnologij ima po drugi strani za posledico, da se, laično rečeno, možgani polenijo. Človeški možgani so zelo plastični in se oblikujejo odvisno od rabe, zato ni vseeno, v kakšnem okolju živimo ali kaj delamo. Prva svarila pred pasivizacijo je bilo slišati že v času zmagovitega pohoda televizije, z internetom in sodobnimi tehnološkimi igračkami je podobno. Posledice prevelikega naslanjanja na tehnologijo je zaznati pri študentih, ki imajo zaradi pomanjkljivega znanja pogosto velike težave pri iskanju informacij ali selekcioniranju le-teh, se raje kot na izvirnike naslanjajo na kratke obnove knjižnih in strokovnih del, ki jih dobijo na spletu … Vse to neredko vodi v površinskost, nepoglobljenost in nereflektiranost /…/

O izginjanju pisanja na roke – Agata Tomažič, Pogledi

***

Dawkins’ narrowmindedness, his unshakeable belief that the entire history of human intellectual achievement was just a prelude to the codification of scientific inquiry, leads him to dismiss the insights offered not only by theology, but philosophy, history and art as well.

To him, the humanities are expendable window-dressing, and the consciousness and emotions of his fellow human beings are byproducts of natural selection that frequently hobble his pursuit and dissemination of cold, hard facts. His orientation toward the world is the product of a classic category mistake, but because he’s nestled inside it so snugly he perceives complex concepts outside of his understanding as meaningless dribble. If he can’t see it, then it doesn’t exist, and anyone trying to describe it to him is delusional and possibly dangerous.

Richard Dawkins: What on Earth Happened to You? – Eleanor Robertson, The Guardian

***

Bonus: članek dr. Mateja Avblja, objavljen v Delu pred enim letom, ter intervju z Bernardom Brščičem, objavljen v reviji Razpotja poleti l. 2011:

Spoštovanje vsakega posameznika, njegova ekonomska osamosvojitev, razcvet civilne družbe in s tem pravega družbenega pluralizma bodo Slovenijo pomagali odpreti tudi navzven in jo spremenili v svetovljansko družbo. Odprta za pretočnost dobrih idej, ne glede na njihov izvor ali svetovnonazorsko obarvanost, bo evropska Slovenija lahko pritegnila tudi številne posameznike s sveta, ki bodo s seboj prinesli spet nove ideje, nov kapital in nove spodbude za nadaljnji družbeni razvoj, obenem pa bodo Slovenijo vpeli tudi v globalne okvire.

Ideja Evropske Slovenije – Matej Avbelj, Delo

===

Sam menim, da je ekonomiziranje, torej postavljanje primata ekonomiji in reduciranje vsega družbenega na ekonomsko, pogubno. Politika preprosto ima svojo dimenzijo in ekonomija ji je podrejena in je samo sredstvo za reševanje ekonomskega problema. V 20. stoletju pa smo zdrsnili v to, da je ekonomija postala primarna in politika zgolj odvisna od ekonomije. Politika se tako reducira bodisi na zadovoljevanje interesov – gre za politiko brez romantike, bodisi na urejanje javnih zadev iz vidika sodobne doktrine menedžiranja. Sam obema pojmovanjema politike in političnega ostro nasprotujem, zlasti redukciji političnega na udejanjanje interesov. Res pa je, da ob analizi slovenske stvarnosti človek zelo hitro dobi občutek, da politika ni nič drugega kot udejanjanje interesov.

Kljub temu sam menim, da je izhod iz te brezupne družbene krize povezan ravno z reafirmacijo političnega, s sposobnostjo političnih skupin, da artikulirajo skupno dobro.

 

Ugrabitev države in kriza političnega: pogovor z Bernardom Brščičem – Marijana Koren, Razpotja

Tedenski izbor

subway-reading

Sprašujem se, kam bomo prišli, če bodo duhovniki med najsvetejšim obredom licitirali za stranke. To ni v skladu z doktrino Cerkve v odnosu do politike. Tudi, če bi hodili v Cerkev pripadniki samo ene stranke, bi bil proti temu, da se med evangelijem in povzdigovanjem daje politična navodila, kaj šele pod pretnjo greha. Ne samo zato, ker temu nasprotuje Cerkev sama in ker ne maram, da se razodeta resnica meša s političnim interesom. Vprašljivo se mi zdi, z duhovno avtoriteto v času govornega monopola (med mašo), pozivati politično različne vernike k  strankarski podpori. Duhovnik tudi nima pooblastila govoriti v imenu vernikov o strankarskih zadevah – ne samo pri maši. Nekateri so me takoj obtožili, da oporekam duhovnikom pravico do mnenja. Seveda so duhovniki politična bitja z vsemi pravicami, potrebno pa je razlikovati, kaj je delo za vrednote, za pravico in poštenje, za politiko v širšem smislu, kaj pa opredeljevanje za stranko in aktivizem zanjo. Eno je menje, volilno navodilo pa je nekaj bistveno drugega.

Intervju z Lojzetom Peterletom – Jani Drnovšek, Časnik

***

Mogoče so hoteli predstavniki katoliške hierarhije nenadoma pokazati, da so bili ves čas na pravi strani poosamosvojitvene zgodovine. Bojim se namreč, da bi pogled od blizu velikokrat pokazal nezdravo navezanost na Cerkvi morda nenaklonjene, a z realno močjo obložene sile. Loščenje te nelepe podobe pa, kot kaže, ni bilo učinkovito. V javnosti je samo še okrepilo že tako zakoreninjeno prepričanje, da sodijo vsi katoličani na desno in k Janši. Čeravno ne prvo in še zlasti ne drugo ni nikdar držalo.

Izlet v Libanon – Aleš Maver, Časnik

***

Calling on conservatives to write fiction in order to regain power by shaping the moral imagination, as Bellow seems to claim, would, in my view, repeat the errors of the later avant-garde and progressives who came to view art as a weapon in class struggle. This attitude toward art always leads to art becoming a mere tool, a mere means to an end, rather than an end in itself. Bellow tries to distinguish between the “the original counterculture” and a counterculture that “was hijacked and turned into a vehicle for progressive politics,” but I don’t buy this. The problem with Bellow’s approach, as Rod [Dreherremarked two weeks ago, is that it would most likely lead to ideologically “pure” but bad work.

Politics and Literature – Micah Mattix, The American Conservative

***

The real foes of conservatism are not socialism and liberalism, but the reactionary and innovating mentalities. Neither the reactionary nor the innovator share the joie de vivre of the conservative mind—its natural inclination to rejoice in and savor what is. They are restless and tormented if things are not in a state of perpetual flux, if “progress” is not being made either backward toward an imagined age of innocence, or forward toward an imagined age of future liberation. If nothing is changing, then nothing is happening. Reactionaries and innovators eschew what Oakeshott calls the conservative mind’s “cool and critical” attitude toward change, advocating instead a radical overhaul of society and its refashioning in the image of a golden age which is either imagined to have existed in the past or lusted after as a possible future.

The Twilight of Conservatism – Aaron Taylor, Ethika Politika

***

Since the conflict in eastern Ukraine began, Russian propaganda has sought to portray it as a civil war, an internecine Ukrainian conflicta formulation that was a comfortable dissimulation for many European democracies that wanted to avoid disrupting their economic relations with Russia. With the downing of MH17, the fighting in eastern Ukraine has been globalized into a war that has claimed the lives of western Europeans, Asians, and North Americans. It has place under unprecedented international scrutiny Russia’s central role as the backbone of the fighting in Eastern Ukraine and has stripped the mask off Russian subterfuge and propaganda.

The Malaysia Airlines Disaster Is Vladimir Putin’s Lockerbie Bombing – Adrian Karatnycky, The New Republic

***

The Economist editors want to put the liberal state on a starvation diet. Theirs is a diagnosis that identifies symptoms, but if applied as policy medicine might just kill the patient. The problem needs to be understood differently. The modern state may be too large in some areas, like the US military, because legacy commitments have not been examined in the light of emerging strategic requirements; or because, in a few countries, still powerful public sector unions retain a hammerlock on human resource budgets; or in others because predatory elected elites are siphoning revenues into their own pockets. But in other liberal states, honest and well-administered governments are staggering along without the resources to provide citizens with valuable and needed services.

Are the Authoritarians Winning? – Micheal Ignatieff, The New York Review of Books

***

What lessons does Switzerland offer? A strong doctrine of subsidiarity, whereby tasks should be done at the lowest possible level of government. Cantons have ceded powers to the confederation piecemeal (its right to raise taxes must be reviewed periodically), but have also devolved them to communes. All three levels of government have taxation powers and provisions for issues to be decided by referendum. German economists also point to Switzerland’s mechanisms to control public spending and enforce a no-bail-out rule. The big difference, though, is that cantons have drafted their own balanced-budget rules and voters have forced similar ones on the confederation. The euro zone imposed too much austerity on troubled countries, but Switzerland has shown that running surpluses and paying back debt in good times creates more scope to respond in a crisis.

Hail Helvetia: Some Swiss lessons for the Euro zone – The Economist

***

Barring minor adjustments, the Orban project proceeds steadily. The prime minister has centralised power to a degree unprecedented since the collapse of communism. A report by the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe notes that, though there was a “diverse choice” of parties at April’s election, Fidesz benefited from “restrictive campaign regulations, biased media coverage and campaign activities that blurred the separation between political party and state”.

Some accuse Mr Orban of looking admiringly east at the state-controlled crony capitalism of the former Soviet Union. Certainly, there is talk on the nationalist right, from Fidesz to the far-right Jobbik, of the decline of the West. The government has boosted Hungary’s trade links with Russia, China, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan.

Between Brussels and Russia – The Economist 

***

Traditionally, moral thinking about war is divided into two broad questions. First, we ask whether the decision to go to war was a moral one.In doing so, we ask: Are the reasons for the war morally compelling? Were less-destructive alternatives considered and pursued?

For Israel, the first question seems easier to answer. Few would deny that, in principle, Israel’s war with Hamas is both just and necessary. Israel acts on the most clear justification possible: self-defense after days of restraint, warnings, and pleasas rockets continued to land on its cities and later, as militants sprang from tunnels to kill its citizens. Ceasefires have been offered, but Hamas has rejected them. And whatever criticisms one may have of Israel’s failures to midwife an effective and peaceful alternative to Hamas (and I have many), these do not undermine the fundamental justice of this self-defense.

But there is also a second, larger question: How should wars be fought? And here, Israel runs into a problem.

Israel’s Deadly Invasion of Gaza Is Morally Justified – Yishai Schwartz, The New Republic

***

Berating Jews with their own history, disinheriting them of pity, as though pity is negotiable or has a sell-by date, is the latest species of Holocaust denial, infinitely more subtle than the David Irving version with its clunking body counts and quibbles over gas-chamber capability and chimney sizes. Instead of saying the Holocaust didn’t happen, the modern sophisticated denier accepts the event in all its terrible enormity, only to accuse the Jews of trying to profit from it, either in the form of moral blackmail or downright territorial theft. According to this thinking, the Jews have betrayed the Holocaust and become unworthy of it, the true heirs to their suffering being the Palestinians. Thus, here and there throughout the world this year, Holocaust day was temporarily annulled or boycotted on account of Gaza, dead Jews being found guilty of the sins of live ones.

Anti-Semitism? Absolutely not. It is “criticism” of Israel, pure and simple.

Let’s see the ‘criticism’ of Israel for what it really is – Howard Jacobson, The Independent

***

From the classical Muslim perspective, the dhimma reflects the fact that Christians, as the recipients of an earlier, incomplete revelation, merit some protection and communal autonomy. But there is a price. The jizya and the many dhimma restrictions are meant to keep Christians in their place and provide a salutary incentive for them to convert to Islam.

By last week, most Christians in Mosul had already taken a fourth option—evacuation. Their departure marks the end of a continuous Christian tradition in Mosul. For thousands of years, Mosul has been a center for Christians, particularly for Assyrians, an ethnic group that predates the Arab conquest of Mesopotamia. Indeed, the ancient Assyrian capital of Nineveh, where the Prophet Jonah preached, lies across the Tigris River. Christianized in apostolic times, Assyrians have divided over the centuries into a number of communions that reflect the history of the religion: the Assyrian Church of the East, a small body, historically associated with Nestorianism, which once spread as far as China; the Syriac Orthodox Church, a member of the Oriental Orthodox family; and the Chaldean-rite Catholic Church, in communion with Rome. A small number of Assyrian Protestant churches exist as well, the legacy of nineteenth-century American missionaries.

As recently as a decade ago, tens of thousands of Christians lived in Mosul, some of them descendents of victims of the genocide the Ottoman Empire perpetrated against Assyrians, as well as Armenians and Greeks, during World War I. After this weekend, virtually none remain.

A Line Crossed in the Middle East – Mark Movsesian, First Things

***

In What Is Marriage? my coauthors and I try to present these traditions’ central insight in the thesis that what makes a marriage (and provides the intelligible grounds of its structuring norms) is comprehensive union. We begin by noting that any voluntary bond is created by common action—by cooperative activity, defined by common goods, in the context of commitment. The activities and goods build up the bond and determine the commitment it requires. Then we argue that the kind of union created by marriage is comprehensive in just these ways: in (a) how it unites persons, (b) what it unites them with respect to, and (c) how extensive a commitment it demands. That is, it unites two people (a) in their most basic dimensions, in mind and body; (b) with respect to procreation, family life, and its broad domestic sharing; and (c) permanently and exclusively.

You contend that same-sex partners could be united in just these ways. But clarifying each will show that they cannot be—unless we so stretch the criteria as to erase any principled difference between marriage and companionship.

Contrasting Views on Marriage: the Need for a Defining Principle – Robert P. George, Public Discourse 

***

Sanjam o družbeno angažiranem mecenu, ki se bo, kot so to počeli pametni in etični bogati gospodje v 19. stoletju, odločil kupiti enega izmed obstoječih ali pa – precej bolj logično – ustanoviti svoj medij, s katerim bo »izpolnil svojo moralno dolžnost«.

Sanjam o internetnem dnevnem časopisu, ki bi imel svojo tedensko tiskano izdajo v obliki bogatega, s kontekstom, vrhunskimi reportažami, analizami in intervjuji napolnjenega magazina, katerega vsaka številka bi bila posvečena le eni sami temi.

Sanjam zagnane, zagrizene, etične in že skoraj do roba norosti razgledane in vedoče sodelavce in sodelavke, s katerimi bi dnevno izmenjavali tako funkcije – v resnih ekipah mora vsak igralec dobro igrati vsaj na treh ali štirih pozicijah – kot informacije in ideje.

Koliko je ura v resnici? – Boštjan Videmšek, Pogledi

***

Bonus za tiste, ki berete italijansko: članek ob 22. letnici umora tožilca Paola Borsellina:

“L’equivoco su cui spesso si gioca è questo: si dice quel politico era vicino ad un mafioso, quel politico è stato accusato di avere interessi convergenti con le organizzazioni mafiose, però la magistratura non lo ha condannato, quindi quel politico è un uomo onesto. E NO! questo discorso non va, perché la magistratura può fare soltanto un accertamento di carattere giudiziale, può dire: beh! Ci sono sospetti, ci sono sospetti anche gravi, ma io non ho la certezza giuridica, giudiziaria che mi consente di dire quest’uomo è mafioso. Però, siccome dalle indagini sono emersi tanti fatti del genere, altri organi, altri poteri, cioè i politici, le organizzazioni disciplinari delle varie amministrazioni, i consigli comunali o quello che sia, dovevano trarre le dovute conseguenze da certe vicinanze tra politici e mafiosi che non costituivano reato ma rendevano comunque il politico inaffidabile nella gestione della cosa pubblica. Questi giudizi non sono stati tratti perché ci si è nascosti dietro lo schermo della sentenza: questo tizio non è mai stato condannato, quindi è un uomo onesto. Ma dimmi un poco, ma tu non ne conosci di gente che è disonesta, che non è stata mai condannata perché non ci sono le prove per condannarla, però c’è il grosso sospetto che dovrebbe, quantomeno, indurre soprattutto i partiti politici a fare grossa pulizia, non soltanto essere onesti, ma apparire onesti, facendo pulizia al loro interno di tutti coloro che sono raggiunti comunque da episodi o da fatti inquietanti, anche se non costituenti reati”.

Paolo Borsellino: “Chi ha paura muore ogni giorno, chi non ha paura muore una volta sola” – Beniamino Andrea Piccone, Linkiesta

Tedenski izbor

Men Reading Newspapers in London